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Huge crowds mourn Iranian military chiefs and scientists killed in strikes

Huge crowds mourn Iranian military chiefs and scientists killed in strikes

BreakingNews.ie10 hours ago

Hundreds of thousands of mourners lined the streets of Tehran on Saturday for the funerals of the head of the Revolutionary Guard and other top commanders and nuclear scientists killed during a 12-day war with Israel.
The caskets of Guard's chief General Hossein Salami, the head of the Guard's ballistic missile programme, General Amir Ali Hajizadeh and others were driven on trucks along the capital's Azadi Street as people in the crowds chanted 'Death to America' and 'Death to Israel'.
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Generals Salami and Hajizadeh were both killed on the first day of the war, June 13, as Israel launched an attack it said was meant to destroy Iran's nuclear programme, specifically targeting military commanders, scientists and nuclear facilities.
Mourners during the funeral ceremony in Islamic Revolution Square in Tehran (Vahid Salemi/AP)
State media reported more than a million people turned out for the funeral procession, which was impossible to independently confirm, but the dense crowd packed the main Tehran thoroughfare along the entire 4.5km (nearly three-mile) route.
There was no immediate sign of Iran's Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, in the state broadcast of the funeral. The Ayatollah, who has not made a public appearance since before the outbreak of the war, has in past funerals held prayers for fallen commanders over their caskets before the open ceremonies, later aired on state television.
Iranian foreign minister Abbas Araghchi was on hand, and state television reported that General Esmail Qaani, who heads the foreign wing of the Revolutionary Guard, the Quds Force, and General Ali Shamkhani were also among the mourners.
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Gen Shamkhani, an adviser to Ayatollah Khamenei who was wounded in the first round of Israel's attack, was shown in a civilian suit leaning on a cane in an image distributed on state television's Telegram channel.
A mourner holds a poster of the Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, during the funerals in Tehran (Vahid Salemi/AP)
Iran's Revolutionary Guard was created after its 1979 Islamic Revolution. Since it was established, it has evolved from a paramilitary, domestic security force to a transnational force that has come to the aid of Tehran's allies in the Middle East, from Syria and Lebanon to Iraq.
It operates in parallel to the country's existing armed forces and controls Iran's arsenal of ballistic missiles, which it has used to attack Israel twice during the Israel-Hamas war in Gaza.
Over 12 days before a ceasefire was declared on Tuesday, Israel claimed it killed around 30 Iranian commanders and 11 nuclear scientists, while hitting eight nuclear-related facilities and more than 720 military infrastructure sites.
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More than 1,000 people were killed, including at least 417 civilians, according to the Washington-based Human Rights Activists group.
Iran fired more than 550 ballistic missiles at Israel, most of which were intercepted, but those that got through caused damage in many areas and killed 28 people.
Saturday's ceremonies were the first public funerals for top commanders since the ceasefire, and Iranian state television reported that they were for 60 people in total, including four women and four children.
Authorities closed government offices to allow public servants to attend the ceremonies.
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Many in the crowd expressed feelings of anger and defiance.
'This is not a ceasefire, this is just a pause,' said Ahmad Mousapoor, 43, waving an Iranian flag. 'Whatever they do, we will definitely give a crushing response.'
People burn a US flag as they take part in the funeral ceremony (Vahid Salemi/AP)
State media published images of an open grave plot at Tehran's Behesht-e-Zahra cemetery where army chief of staff, General Mohammad Bagheri, who was killed on the first day of the war, was to be buried beside his brother, a Guards commander killed during the 1980s Iran-Iraq war.
Many of the others were to be buried in their home towns.
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The Iranian judiciary's Mizan news agency confirmed that the top prosecutor at the notorious Evin prison had been killed in an Israeli strike on Monday.
It reported that Ali Ghanaatkar, whose prosecution of dissidents led to widespread criticism by human rights groups, would be buried at a shrine in Qom.
Iran has always insisted its nuclear programme is only for peaceful purposes. But Israel views it as an existential threat and said its military campaign was necessary to prevent Iran from building an atomic weapon.
Ayatollah Khamenei's last public appearance was on June 11, two days before hostilities with Israel broke out, when he met Iranian parliamentarians.
On Thursday, however, he released a pre-recorded video, in his first message since the end of the war, filled with warnings and threats directed toward the United States and Israel, the Islamic Republic's longtime adversaries.
The 86-year-old downplayed US strikes on three Iranian nuclear sites as having not achieved 'anything significant', and claimed victory over Israel.
The head of the United Nations nuclear watchdog agency, Rafael Grossi, has characterised the damage done by American bunker-buster bombs to Iran's Fordo nuclear site, which was built into a mountain, as 'very, very, very considerable'.

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‘There's a significant lack of knowledge': Iranian American legislator on countries' tangled history amid conflict
‘There's a significant lack of knowledge': Iranian American legislator on countries' tangled history amid conflict

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‘There's a significant lack of knowledge': Iranian American legislator on countries' tangled history amid conflict

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We spoke to Ansari about how her background influences her approach to one of foreign policy's most intractable issues. It's a topic I not only grew up learning about at home but also studied formally during my undergraduate years. I have a minor in Iranian studies, I speak the language [Farsi], and I wrote my college thesis on Iran's nuclear breakout capacity. So I've been working on and thinking about these issues for a long time. When it comes to US-Iran policy – especially during the Trump administration – I think there has been a significant lack of knowledge. And even within Congress, there's often limited information about the historical and political context – not just since 1979, but also what led up to that point and how we arrived at the current situation. I don't believe the strikes were the right move for several reasons. First and foremost, we wouldn't even be in this position if Trump hadn't unilaterally withdrawn from the JCPOA [in 2018]. That agreement would have prevented Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon and created a framework for diplomacy. Even after the withdrawal, we were in the midst of negotiations. Based on briefings I've received from subject matter experts, those negotiations were progressing – until the US suddenly shifted the goalposts and demanded zero uranium enrichment, which had never been part of the deal. That effectively derailed talks. Beyond that, Trump never made the case to Congress or the American public. There was no presentation of intelligence justifying strikes on Iran's nuclear facilities. In a country with such a fraught history of military interventions in the Middle East – from the 1953 CIA-orchestrated coup in Iran to the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan – that lack of transparency is especially dangerous. I'm not familiar with all the specifics of that proposal, but I see what you're getting at. And I do think Trump's actions have emboldened the Islamic Republic, a regime that is deeply unpopular with the majority of Iranians. Since the recent escalation, we've seen reports that hundreds of people have been arrested on espionage charges – charges often used by the regime to imprison political opponents. Iran's most notorious prison, Evin, is full of some of the country's brightest minds, including Nobel laureates. It's heartbreaking. Trump's actions have not only hurt US foreign policy interests and increased the risk of a wider war, but they've also given the regime cover to intensify its domestic repression. During the past two weeks, we've even seen the government black out the internet to prevent communication with the outside world. This is a regime focused entirely on its own survival – and it will do whatever it takes, including more arrests and crackdowns. We should be supporting Iranian civilians, not strengthening the regime or risking another war. Exactly. 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I think most Iranian Americans fear war and want a better future for Iranians – without more violence, repression or foreign intervention. My dad came to the US in the early 1970s on a student visa to attend the University of Oregon for his engineering degree. He planned to go back but once the revolution happened, it wasn't safe to return, so he stayed. My mom fled in 1981. Women's rights had already been severely restricted – forced hijab, schools being shut down. She happened to be a US citizen because her father had done a medical residency in the US in the 60s. So her parents sent her here alone at 17 to live with a family in Delaware. She talks about it a lot, about how she and her family opposed the revolution even though it was popular at the time. Coming here alone was traumatic. She went through deep depression for years before the rest of her family could join her. That experience shaped a lot of how I was raised. 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The spectacle of massed crowds calling for the blood of Jews is more associated with Islamist dictatorships than our own democracies. On October 7, however, something foul awoke in the West. Less than two years later, we find thousands of white youngsters from the leafy suburbs of Middle England chanting 'death, death to the IDF' at the Glastonbury Festival of a Saturday afternoon. Would that be the same IDF that delivered us from the spectre of a nuclear-armed Iran with remarkably few civilian casualties? Which rescued us from the regime described by the head of MI5 as 'the state actor which most frequently crosses into terrorism' on our shores? Why, yes. Yes it would. Your average Glasto fan, it seems, would have no objection if Tehran's thugs brought the 'intifada' over here, perhaps with a nuclear bomb on London, so long as they brought death to Israel first. Such is the way with brainless trends, even when the fashion is for bloodlust. What Jewish festival-goers must have felt amidst that display of depravity is enough to make you ashamed of our country. Don't forget, this gory chapter began with a massacre of revellers at the Nova music festival; in a sane world, you'd have expected Glastonbury to fly the Israeli flag in solidarity and chant for the demise of Hamas. The cleanness of the Iran campaign shows how the IDF can operate when its enemy does not push civilians into harm's way for the benefit of the international media. Clearly, Israel is not trying to kill the innocent. Has that thought occurred to any of the Glasto cultists? Of course not. As transparent as it may be, Hamas propaganda is a roaring success when people get their kicks out of believing it. Depressingly, this has become the new normal. There literally is no evil so dark that it cannot find enthusiastic support on the Western Left, so long as that evil first wishes death upon the Jews. Astonishingly, that principle holds even if the evil happens to wish death upon us second. It's true what they say: antisemitism is a sickness and at bottom it is a hatred of ourselves. Whether Bob Vylan, the dreadlocked rapper who led Saturday's version of Orwell's Two Minutes Hate, was breaking the law is beside the point. Legislation is limited when the culture moves beyond it. Even the BBC's attempts at decorum – they had refused to broadcast the performance by Kneecap, the Irish band which has supported Hamas and Hezbollah and demanded that people kill their local Tory MPs – collapsed when put to the test. Shamefully, the 'death to the IDF' chant was beamed out by our national broadcaster into millions of homes. On Thursday, Sir Michael Eavis, the founder of Glastonbury, defiantly insisted that people should 'go somewhere else' if they did not like the politics of his festival. By Saturday, we saw what those politics meant: a carnival of bloodthirsty radicalism that would have been unrecognisable in the Britain of our parents. Jeremy Corbyn may have epitomised the vacuity of the Gaza Left by praising a banner saying 'build bridges not walls' that was literally pinned to a wall, but the joke is wearing thin. In May, a Palestine activist murdered two Israeli diplomats in Washington DC. Last week, Palestine activists sabotaged RAF aircraft vital to our national security. Yet still the simpering BBC fawns over the Eavis clan. For years, sensible people have scratched their heads at how the Left can have come to support jihadis. At the Glastonbury festival of narcissism, however, it has become difficult to tell them apart.

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