Former Venezuelan spy chief pleads guilty in U.S. drug case, ties Maduro to gangs, Iran

Miami Herald

3 days ago

Former Venezuelan military intelligence chief Hugo Carvajal has reached an agreement to plead guilty to federal drug trafficking charges in the U.S., in a deal that leaves open the possibility of his cooperation with law enforcement in exchange for a reduced sentence.
The agreement, finalized just days before his trial was set to begin in New York, signals a potentially pivotal moment in the U.S. government's long-running efforts to expose and dismantle what officials have described as a criminal state operating at the highest levels of power in Venezuela.
'Today's guilty plea demonstrates our commitment to holding accountable foreign officials who abuse their power to poison our citizens. I commend the extraordinary efforts of our law enforcement allies in the DEA's Special Operations Division and our other law enforcement partners here and abroad,' US. Attorney Jay Clayton said in a press statement. 'Hugo Armando Carvajal Barrios was once one of the most powerful men in Venezuela. For years, he and other officials in the Cartel de Los Soles used cocaine as a weapon—flooding New York and other American cities with poison.'
The general had been charged with participating in a narco-terrorism conspiracy — which carries a mandatory minimum sentence of 20 years and a maximum of life in prison — conspiring to import cocaine into the United States (minimum 10 years, maximum life), and using, carrying, and possessing machine guns and destructive devices in connection with those conspiracies (minimum 30 years, maximum life).
Carvajal's plea follows a series of behind-the-scenes negotiations and comes after claims by the once-powerful general that Veenzuelan leader Nicolás Maduro personally oversees a sprawling transnational criminal enterprise.
According to sources familiar with the case, Carvajal has offered to provide U.S. authorities with documentation and testimony implicating Maduro and other top Venezuelan officials in a range of illegal activities—from drug smuggling and election tampering to espionage operations and the weaponization of street gangs.
He also claims to have evidence detailing the deep and ongoing ties between Venezuela and the Islamic Republic of Iran.
The ties, Carvajal says, include cooperation in security, intelligence and financial transactions designed to evade U.S. sanctions. The Iran-Venezuela relationship—long dismissed by some as symbolic—is, in fact, more operational than most people suspect, Carvajal warns.
Nicknamed El Pollo ('The Chicken'), Carvajal was once one of the most influential figures in Venezuela's intelligence apparatus. As head of the Military Counterintelligence Directorate, he had access to some of the country's most sensitive state secrets and maintained direct contact with senior figures in both the Hugo Chávez and Nicolás Maduro governments. A staunch Chávez supporter for much of his career, Carvajal eventually broke with Maduro and voiced support for opposition leader Juan Guaidó in 2019.
Following his political defection, Carvajal vanished from public view, eluding extradition for several years while seeking political asylum in Europe. Spanish authorities arrested him in 2019, and after protracted legal battles and diplomatic wrangling he was extradited to the United States in 2022 to face federal charges stemming from his alleged role in Venezuela's so-called 'Cartel of the Suns'—a term used to describe a military-led drug trafficking syndicate embedded within the Venezuelan state.
Prosecutors allege that Carvajal played a key role in coordinating large-scale cocaine shipments to the United States, using his official position to protect narcotics operations and facilitate deals with foreign insurgent groups, most notably Colombia's FARC.
According to confidential sources familiar with his plea discussions, Carvajal has told U.S. officials that Maduro was directly involved in the creation of Tren de Aragua, Venezuela's most powerful and feared street gang. Originating in a prison in Aragua state, the group has evolved into a sprawling criminal network engaged in extortion, kidnapping, human trafficking, arms smuggling and murder.
In a series of statements, Carvajal claims that Maduro empowered Tren de Aragua to act as a paramilitary arm of the state—an unofficial enforcement squad tasked with silencing dissent, intimidating opposition figures and generating illicit revenue. Even more alarming, Carvajal claims that members of the gang were sent abroad, including to the United States, to continue their operations and serve as a destabilizing force within migrant communities.
The presence of the gang in countries such as Colombia, Chile, Peru and the U.S. has been documented by law enforcement agencies and migration researchers. In recent months, American officials have expressed growing concern over the gang's footprint in cities with large Venezuelan populations, such as Miami, Houston and New York.
Carvajal has also reportedly provided details about systemic efforts by the Venezuelan government to manipulate electoral outcomes. He alleges that the 2018 presidential election, which returned Maduro to power amid widespread international condemnation, was rigged using electronic voting machines that could be tampered with remotely.
That election was boycotted by large segments of the Venezuelan opposition and declared fraudulent by the Organization of American States, the European Union and numerous Western governments, including the United States. Carvajal claims to have firsthand knowledge of how the regime controlled both the software and hardware behind the vote, turning the democratic process into a preordained spectacle.
Such assertions, if backed by documentary evidence or credible corroboration, could reignite calls for international accountability and further isolate the Maduro government, which has spent years trying to normalize relations with global powers and ease economic sanctions.
Perhaps the most explosive of Carvajal's allegations involves Venezuelan espionage operations against the United States. According to the former general, the Maduro regime has maintained a clandestine intelligence network aimed at infiltrating U.S. institutions, tracking dissidents and gathering sensitive information on American policy toward Latin America.
While the presence of Venezuelan intelligence operatives in the U.S. has long been suspected, Carvajal's offer to name names and provide operational details could give the FBI and other federal agencies unprecedented insight into how Venezuela's spy apparatus functions abroad. He has reportedly expressed willingness to share this information 'in any format' the U.S. government deems appropriate, including classified briefings or sealed testimony.
Despite his checkered past, Carvajal's potential value as a cooperating witness is significant. For years, U.S. law enforcement has struggled to pierce the opaque structures of the Venezuelan state. Carvajal's decades inside the inner circles of power give him a unique vantage point on how criminality became institutionalized under Maduro — and, before him, Chávez.
Still, there are reasons for caution. Carvajal has a history of shifting loyalties and politically motivated statements. Some of his claims, while plausible, would require independent verification. Prosecutors are expected to corroborate any intelligence he provides with other sources before taking further legal or diplomatic steps based on his information.
If deemed credible, however, his cooperation could dramatically expand the U.S. government's understanding of Venezuela's deep state—and potentially serve as a catalyst for new sanctions, prosecutions, or international pressure campaigns aimed at isolating the regime.
As part of the plea deal, Carvajal could receive a considerable sentence reduction if he provides 'substantial assistance' to U.S. investigations. The precise terms of his cooperation remain under seal, and it remains unclear when—or if—he will appear publicly to testify against former allies.