Libman: Quebec remains in Carney's corner, but danger lies ahead
Carney's popularity has particularly solidified in Quebec. Despite him being considered an outsider, raised in Edmonton, his Liberals surprisingly dominated this province in the election, with their best result in 45 years. A June 28 Léger poll shows confidence in him has grown, with 58 per cent of Quebecers satisfied with his government. Surprisingly, that number hits 60 per cent among voters of the separatist Parti Québécois and Bloc Québécois.
Carney has also bolstered his inner circle with prominent Quebec heavyweights, including Michael Sabia — one of Quebec's most respected business leaders — as incoming clerk of the Privy Council, the head of public service. Marc-André Blanchard, a Montreal lawyer and former ambassador to the United Nations, is his new chief of staff. He named François-Philippe Champagne as finance minister, Mélanie Joly as industry minister, and former MP and justice minister David Lametti as his principal secretary. Premier François Legault, who has been somewhat of a cheerleader for Carney, said after the election that ' Mr. Carney owes one to Quebecers. ' He's delivered so far.
But rocky waters lie ahead. While Carney and his inner circle have economic heft and credibility to make the case to Quebecers regarding issues including trade, supply management and pipelines, how will they manage the perilous issues of identity and language?
With cases on secularism law Bill 21 and language law Bill 96 winding their way toward the Supreme Court, nationalist opinion leaders who have been rueing Carney's popularity in Quebec are waiting to pounce.
Carney has said if these Quebec laws were tested before the Supreme Court, his government would defend the Charter of Rights and Freedoms and intervene. Nationalist Quebecers jumped, as did ministers from the Coalition Avenir Québec government. Carney has been evasive since, suggesting it's the pre-emptive use of the notwithstanding clause — used to shield these laws from most of the charter — that his government would contest, not necessarily the substance of the laws themselves, which many believe clearly infringe on minority and linguistic rights.
When push comes to shove, what will Carney do?
His Quebec inner circle will undoubtedly want him to avoid riling up the nationalist hornets' nest at all costs. Will he thus completely reverse course and decide not to intervene in these cases, throwing minorities overboard?
Another scenario, as he already hinted, would be to formulate opposition to the pre-emptive use of the notwithstanding clause in general — perhaps establishing a more rigorous framework while referring to its uses in Ontario and elsewhere, steering clear of the substance of the Quebec laws.
Or maybe he could show some genuine leadership and prowess. Is it too much to expect for our prime minister — while affirming that Quebec values such as secularism and protecting French are important — to argue that the laws in question go too far?
Most Quebecers respect Carney, seem willing to listen to him and are receptive to strong leadership and reason. If he is capable enough to navigate his way around the tempestuousness of Donald Trump, steering through the upcoming nationalist storm over his government's intervention in these court challenges should be relatively easy — and an important leadership test of Captain Canada.
Robert Libman is an architect and planning consultant who has served as Equality Party leader and MNA, mayor of Côte-St-Luc and a member of the Montreal executive committee. He was a Conservative candidate in the 2015 federal election.
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