K Street crashes into ‘nearly un-lobbyable' Elon Musk

Politico

20-03-2025

Washington's lobbying class is grasping for an effective approach to an unprecedented challenge: how do you influence a mercurial outsider like Elon Musk who has immense but unofficial power and is the world's richest person.
But solving for Musk could pay huge dividends. If K Street can figure out how to lobby him, they can capitalize off the anxiety pervading Washington that drives companies and industries to sign six-figure retainers.
'Washington is really used to deliberative processes where stakeholders get input,' said Alex Conant, co-founder of Firehouse Strategies. 'Musk doesn't believe in any of that.'
That frustration is shared across Washington, where private interests trying to protect their own projects—or nudging DOGE to target a competitor instead, sometimes through DOGE's X account — are running into the same problem. Musk operates with a singular mission: cutting government waste at breakneck speed, with little patience for the conventional playbook.
Lobbyists find they're being asked not only to save a company from their fear of Musk's unpredictable social media ire or a sweeping DOGE cut that would hit their industry or wipe out their contract. They're also being queried about potential real estate investments from the General Services Administration's plans to sell federal buildings and business opportunities arising from Musk's effort to modernize government software. Lobbyists without direct ties to Musk's inner circle are deploying other strategies such as working more conventional agency contacts or scouring the DOGE leader's social media feed.
This report is based on conversations with ten Republican lobbyists and operatives trying to navigate the new Washington.
'Every client has a worry right now,' said a GOP operative, who, like others, was granted anonymity to discuss private conversations. 'The problem is that this is not your typical administration, where you could call up a staffer, schedule a meeting, place a few op-eds, and move somebody to see things your way. Elon Musk is nearly un-lobbyable. You have to work non-traditional routes.'
Musk has imported the Silicon Valley ethos of 'move fast and break things' to the federal government, carrying out his mission with a kind of maniacal urgency that has left businesses scrambling. He is also notoriously unsympathetic — a trait he sees as essential for running a company and, now, a government initiative — making him a nightmare for lobbyists used to schmoozing their way to results.
Some lobbyists, unwilling to promise results they can't deliver, are turning away clients with DOGE asks that appear impossible, such as saving foreign development projects. Others are focusing their DOGE-related efforts on federal agencies or the DOGE Caucus on Capitol Hill. Or they are trying unconventional tactics, such as reaching out to influencers Musk engages with on X or seeding stories in conservative media.
'DOGE is being made up as it goes along by people who remain much more entrenched in their pre-existing private sector professional circles than they are within any network of public policy experts,' said Jeff Hauser of the left-leaning Revolving Door Project, which scrutinizes executive branch appointees. 'As a result, it wouldn't surprise me that people or companies with whom Musk and his team used to collaborate prior to Trump's inauguration retain the best channels to DOGE and greatest influence with Musk.'
One well-connected Trump lobbyist granted anonymity to speak freely said he has been inundated with requests to set up DOGE meetings, most of which he declines because it's an impossible feat. 'They all say, 'I want to meet with the DOGE people,' and we joke, 'All right, just email [e-mail],'' he said, referring to the 19-year-old DOGE employee who previously used the online moniker 'Big Balls.'
It's not just trying to save government contracts that have kept D.C. lobbyists busy — they've also been asked to scope out potential opportunities from DOGE's work. As the government seeks to sell off federal buildings, another Republican lobbyist has been asked for information from real estate investors looking to capitalize on such future sales from the General Services Administration.
'There's a lot of real estate investors who are interested in that,' the person said.
The secrecy surrounding DOGE contributes to the perception that Musk is a black box. He doesn't maintain a conventional political team, and
his tight circle of Silicon Valley loyalists and DOGE operatives
executing his visions are tough to reach. 'How are you going to find these guys? You're going to start searching basements in government buildings?' the lobbyist asked sarcastically.
Those who have pre-existing relationships with Musk — or lead companies large enough to command his attention — have found ways to reach him directly. One company wrongly targeted by Musk managed to correct the misunderstanding, convincing him that a different entity was responsible for the issue that triggered his scrutiny, according to a lobbyist with knowledge of the situation granted anonymity to speak freely.
For everyone else, the options are limited. Many have opted to work the federal agencies, where there is still some semblance of process and recognizable Trump allies in senior positions. Others are turning to Capitol Hill, trying to extract morsels of information on DOGE's next moves from members of the DOGE caucus, including co-chairs Sen.
Joni Ernst
(R-Iowa), Rep.
Pete Sessions
(R-Texas), Rep.
Blake Moore
(R-Utah), and Rep.
Aaron Bean
(R-Fla.).
While members of DOGE have taken the lead on identifying cuts, Trump has publicly stated that
his Cabinet will have the final say
, so Washington operatives are working to preemptively frame their clients' projects in a positive light before they land on the chopping block.
'Depending on what it is, you really have to go through the political channels of each agency and say, 'Hey, can we just talk about this factually first?'' said an in-house Fortune 50 lobbyist granted anonymity to discuss internal matters. 'I think there is value in that. If you can make a good case, they're happy to identify what it is…but it's not easy.'
Another emerging strategy: leveraging Musk's online habits and vying for second-tier access. Given the billionaire's near-constant engagement on X, lobbyists are analyzing the accounts he follows, trying to influence him through the people he already interacts with.
'Everyone in town is analyzing that list, mapping out how to get to them,' the Republican operative said of the one thousand accounts that Musk follows.
Among the influencers rumored to have a direct line to Musk is Ian Miles Cheong, a Malaysian right-wing commentator and social media personality who contributes to Rebel News and has previously worked with The Daily Caller and Russian state media RT. Others in Musk's orbit who are considered potential access points include people like Trump's eldest son, Donald Trump Jr., conservative activist Charlie Kirk and the right wing influencer Chaya Raichik, who runs the account Libs of TikTok.
Some have found success by going through Musk's Silicon Valley allies who have been deputized to work within the agencies on DOGE. 'I've been able to get things in front of Musk that way, knowing that he will respond to them,' said a longtime D.C. lobbyist who has ties to two of Musk's business associates who are now in Washington.
Short of direct access, other lobbyists are resorting to placing stories in right-wing media like Breitbart or The Daily Caller, hoping that staffers will read them and take notice.
But no method is foolproof, and the new reality is difficult for some executives to accept.
'Just because you wrote a check, or because you know somebody, or you smoke cigars together, it's not changing the outcome of these decisions,' said one lobbyist. 'That's the hardest part for people to accept.'