
Gangaikonda Cholapuram: From glory to decline
The festival, which the DMK government in the State began holding from 2022, became a high-profile event this time thanks to Prime Minister Narendra Modi's participation in the valediction ceremony. The festival also coincided with the completion of 1,000 years of the maritime expedition of the Chola emperor to Southeast Asia and the commencement of the construction of the iconic temple.
In his book, A History of South India: From Prehistoric Times to the Fall of Vijayanagar, historian K.A. Nilakanta Sastri states that Rajendra Chola's empire was 'the most extensive and most respected Hindu state of his time.' Gangaikonda Cholapuram, established by the Chola ruler, served as the capital of the imperial Cholas for about 250 years (1025 CE-1279 CE). Along with the Brihadeeswara temple in Thanjavur, built by Rajendra Chola's father, Rajaraja Chola I, the temple at Gangaikonda Cholapuram was included by UNESCO in 2004 under the category of 'Great Living Chola Temples' and declared a World Heritage Site.
On July 27, Mr. Modi spent about two hours at the temple. Unlike most of his public events, which are characterised by formal speeches and the inauguration of projects and schemes, this event was different. Wearing a white dhoti, a half-sleeve shirt, and an angavastram (upper cloth), the Prime Minister enjoyed devotional renderings by a group of Oduvars (hymn singers) and by music director and composer Ilaiyaraaja. In his speech, Mr. Modi praised the contributions of the Cholas and explained how their rule remains an inspiration for modern India.
The Cholas undoubtedly set a benchmark in various aspects of governance. However, their erstwhile capital is today one of the most backward districts of Tamil Nadu, Ariyalur. It is hard to believe that it was once the seat of power of a great empire for 250 years.
'It is all fine for the Prime Minister to announce the installation of statues for the two Chola emperors. But people in the district had expected him to unveil plans for infrastructure development in the region,' said N. Dhanapal, a resident of Thirumanur village in Ariyalur district. 'We thought he would make a statement on the approval of two long-pending railway projects — from Kumbakonam to Namakkal through Ariyalur and Perambalur, and one connecting Pattukottai, Thanjavur, and Ariyalur. We were disappointed,' he added.
A predominantly agrarian district, Ariyalur has cement factories. These were established by large companies given the availability of good quality limestone in the region. After a spell of severe pest attacks about five years ago, farmers virtually stopped raising sugarcane. 'The sugar mill that we had barely functions,' a resident complained. Though the Small Industries Development Corporation set up an industrial estate at Mallur in the district about 10 years ago, it found few takers.
The district has a fossil tree park and a fossil museum, which are examples of palaeo-zoology. In fact, the geological community regards the Ariyalur region as important as the Grand Canyon in Arizona, U.S. Yet, the place barely gets any visibility.
In fact, despite being a World Heritage Site for more than 20 years, even the Gangaikonda Cholapuram temple does not attract as many international visitors as it should, primarily due to connectivity issues and lack of amenities.
It is not that there have not been efforts made to improve the district. On the eve of the festival, Chief Minister M.K. Stalin had announced that the Chola Gangam lake, locally known as the Ponneri lake, would be developed at a cost of ₹12 crore, and that facilities for tourists would be improved at a cost of ₹7.25 crore. He also said that renovation work of channels around the tank and other maintenance works would be undertaken. The State government has also planned to construct a museum, spread over 10 acres, at the cost of ₹22.10 crore.
However, these plans are not enough. What the people of the district, which was the seat of the ancient capital of the Cholas, want today is sustained attention and focus on economic development of the region. That is what finally matters to them.
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First Post
34 minutes ago
- First Post
Beyond Cholapuram: Forgotten Chola temples of Tamil Nadu echo a glorious past
The Melpadi shrines may not have the grandeur of the Brihadeeshwara temples of Thanjavur and Gangaikonda Cholapuram nor the intricate craftsmanship of the Airavatesvara temple at Darasuram, but they form an important part of the larger Chola narrative read more Whenever Prime Minister Narendra Modi visits a place, it gets a boost in popularity. Remember him on a Lakshadweep beach, post which folks suddenly began to think of it as an alternative to the Maldives? His most recent visit has been to a destination that is both spiritual and historic, the Shiva temple at Gangaikonda Cholapuram, in Tamil Nadu. While the Brihadeeshwarar temple, to use the shrine's real name, is magnificent and has been one of the 'Great Living Chola temples' on the Unesco World Heritage list since 1987, there are numerous smaller Chola shrines too that deserve a mention. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The magnificent Shiva temple at Gangaikonda Cholapuram Around 143 kilometres west of Chennai and about 235 kilometres north of Gangaikonda Cholapuram lies the tiny town of Melpadi. It is a tranquil place, with few pilgrims seeking divine blessings and no Instagrammers looking for exciting content for their online followers. It wasn't always this quiet, though. More than a thousand years ago, Melpadi lay at the boundary of the jostling southern powers, with the Chola empire on one side and the Rashtrakutas on the other. Later, the Western Chalukyans replaced the Rashtrakutas. In the first half of the 10th century, the area came into the control of Parantaka Chola I (reign 907–955 CE), who renamed the place 'Virnarayanapuram' after his own title of 'Vir Narayana'. This was not mere renaming of a place but territorial marking by a ruler. And Parantaka wasn't the last Chola ruler who did that at Melpadi. His descendant, the famed Rajaraja Chola I (reign 985-1014 CE), built the Somanatheeswarar temple here around the year 1000 CE—the same time that he was building the majestic Brihadeeshwarar temple at Thanjavur. Some believe that it was Parantaka who built the original shrine here, in bricks, and Rajaraja rebuilt it in stone later. In the footsteps of his ancestor, Rajaraja also renamed the place after his own title. Goodbye Virnarayanapuram, enter Rajasrayapuram! Standing behind two layers of high walls, the Somanatheeswarar temple looks rather plain from the outside. Sitting atop its outermost wall are Nandi icons, placed at regular intervals. The inner wall is punctuated by a lofty gateway. Entering this, a visitor finds himself in an innermost courtyard that has the main shrine as well as multiple mandapas. A mukha mandapa has elegant, rounded pillars. In another mandapa are various carved icons, including Ganesha, Saptamatrikas, Veerabhadra, and more. Several architectural elements here come from later eras, including additions made by the Vijaynagara rulers. Divine iconography surrounded by inscriptions in the Somanatheeswarar temple The main shrine, dedicated to Shiva, is topped by a stone vimana, an engineering achievement of the Chola era. In various niches are icons depicting Dakshinamurthy, Vishnu, Brahma, etc. With inscriptions carved on almost every inch around them, these tiny ancient shrines resemble living history. One of the most historically significant inscriptions found here is of Rajaraja Chola. It is in the form of a royal eulogy recounting his military successes. Specifically, a victory over the Pandyas and conquest of the Kudamali region find mention. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD A depiction of Dakshinamurthy Shiva Reading more inscriptions is akin to going through a history book. Another one mentions a nobleman titled 'Pallavayan' (indicating Pallava lineage) in Rajaraja's service, and his donation here suggests the integration of former Pallava elites into the Chola administration. Inscriptions mention Rajaraja's direct patronage of the shrine, his land grants to it, and his renaming the town—all showing how the Cholas had turned this contested border area into part of their core kingdom. The inscriptions also mention Rajaraja building a new temple in the vicinity, which is considered a 'Pallippadai' or a memorial shrine. This new shrine was the Choleeswarar temple, which still stands. No ordinary shrine, the Choleeswarar was built on the mortal remains of Rajaraja's grandfather, Arinjaya Chola (reign 956–967 CE), who died in war. In terms of its structure, this is a very simple shrine and lacks many of the signature elements of other Chola temples—the Rajagopuram, the sacrificial platform, and the ceremonial stambh outside. Nor is there a shrine to Amman or the goddess and consort of Shiva, or subsidiary shrines to Ganesha and Chandikeshwara. But set amidst paddy fields, with the Ponnai River close by, its setting is idyllic. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD A divine icon within the Choleeswarar temple at Melpadi The temple is compact in design, with a single granite structure containing an ardha-mandapam, a mukha mandapam, and the inner sanctum. Though much smaller than the Somanatheeswarar, the Choleeswarar is also a repository of inscriptions that tell us about its past. One of them reveals that this Shiva temple was originally called Arinjigai-Isvaram. Going by this name, in effect, Rajaraja Chola attempted to transform his grandfather into a form of Shiva—a customary posthumous honour for kings deemed worthy of worship. Perhaps there was also a political reason—that of reinforcing the Chola claim over this border territory and adding more legitimacy to Rajaraja's rule by venerating his lineage. There are icons within niches here, but the lack of depth in the niches reveals that they may have been added much later, possibly by another dynasty. It appears that the people of Melpadi knew and acknowledged that a Chola royal was buried here. And this may have caused the temple's popular name to change to Choleeswarar, meaning 'Chola's Ishwara'. Unlike the Somanatheeswarar, which remains in worship—subject to Archaeological Survey of India rules about its timings—the Choleeswarar is a monument where prayers are not conducted. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The locals still feel an attachment to the Somanatheeswarar, but the Choleeswarar is more a royal site. There is one aspect of the latter temple that the locals are quick to point out. It is believed that, around equinox days—March 21st and September 21st—the rising sun's rays travel through the east-facing entrance and shine directly on the Shiva linga for a brief while at dawn. The black granite Linga glows in hues of gold, and local folks look upon this almost as if the sun had come to pay homage to the buried Chola king. The Melpadi shrines may not have the grandeur of the Brihadeeshwara temples of Thanjavur and Gangaikonda Cholapuram nor the intricate craftsmanship of the Airavatesvara Temple at Darasuram, but they form an important part of the larger Chola narrative and are representative of the large number of lesser-known shrines built by that illustrious dynasty. The author is a heritage explorer with a penchant for seeking obscure sites. A brand consultant by profession, he tweets @HiddenHeritage. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
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First Post
an hour ago
- First Post
Why India must shift to strategic offence to secure Kashmir
The strategic verdict is clear: deterrence alone is no longer enough read more An Indian Army soldier looks out from an armoured vehicle on a highway leading to south Kashmir's Pahalgam, in Marhama village, in Kashmir. File image/ Reuters On April 22, 2025, Baisaran, a higher valley above Pahalgam, echoed not with the laughter of visiting tourists but with gunfire. Armed terrorists emerged from the pine forest, forcing tourists to line up and demanding they recite Islamic verses. Those who faltered were executed on the spot. Twenty-six civilians, including a Nepali national and several newlyweds, were murdered in what was no random killing but a calculated Hindu massacre. Among the dead was Manjunath, visiting Kashmir with his wife, Pallavi, and son, who survived only because a terrorist chillingly told Pallavi, 'I won't kill you. Go and tell Modi.' STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Intelligence inputs revealed that the perpetrators were foreign terrorists, affiliated with Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), a UN-proscribed terror outfit headquartered in Muridke, Pakistan. Forensic teams later confirmed that terrorists used Chinese AK-47s and American M4 carbine assault rifles. The men were trained killers, infiltrated via Pakistan-Occupied Jammu & Kashmir (PoJK), supported by Pakistan's military, and facilitated by its intelligence agency, the ISI. As grief engulfed the nation, action followed. Within hours, Union Home Minister Amit Shah was on the ground in Srinagar. Prime Minister Narendra Modi cut short his Saudi state visit and convened the Cabinet Committee on Security meeting just off the tarmac at Delhi Airport the next day. By then Intelligence had identified the terrorists: Suleiman, Jibran, and Hamza 'Afghani', all Pakistani nationals trained in Pakistan-occupied Jammu and Kashmir (PoJK). Armed with solid evidence directly implicating Pakistan, PM Modi swiftly ordered immediate diplomatic and economic countermeasures against Islamabad. Citing material breach, India suspended the Indus Waters Treaty, with Modi asserting that 'blood and water cannot flow together'. Pakistan's diplomats were expelled, and all visas were cancelled. Simultaneously, India's security establishment swiftly mobilised to deliver its own decisive response. The reply came on May 7 when a deep-penetration multi-strike into PoJK and Pakistan's Punjab province codenamed 'Operation Sindoor' obliterated nurseries of terror across the Line of Control (LoC) and the International Border. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD PM Modi named the operation 'Sindoor', a word that connotes both sanctity and bereavement: many of the Baisaran victims were newly married Hindu couples, their crimson vermilion barely set before widowhood descended. Guided by satellite reconnaissance and advanced targeting technologies, Indian Armed Forces executed a series of exquisitely calibrated strikes against nine terrorist redoubts: Lashkar-e-Taiba's Sawai Nala and Bilal camps in Muzaffarabad; Jaish-e-Mohammed's Gulpur and Abbas facilities in Kotli; and, most infamously, the sprawling Markaz Taiba at Muridke, the very academy that trained the gunmen who ravaged Mumbai in 2008. The barrage then shifted southwest to Bahawalpur, where Markaz Subhanallah, the headquarters of Jaish-e-Mohammed and its founder, Masood Azhar, was reduced to rubble. These were no indiscriminate strikes but the surgical excision of Pakistan's radical jihadist terror infrastructure: more than one hundred terrorists, including senior trainers and recruiters, were eliminated. Islamabad's protestations of civilian casualties and religious infrastructure swiftly unravelled when leaked images revealed state funerals for UN-proscribed, now-dead terrorists, coffins draped in the Pakistani national flag, borne by officers of the ISI, local police, and the Pakistan Army. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Pakistan's riposte to the Indian strikes on terror was a blunt show of asymmetric force; swarms of Turkish-made Songar and STM Kargu and Chinese-supplied drones targeted Indian civilians in cities such as Amritsar, Jammu, Srinagar, and Surat, while heavy artillery raked the LoC along Samba, Poonch, Rajouri, and more, indiscriminately hitting Gurdwaras, churches, and temples along the LoC. India's layered, largely indigenous air defence web, fronted by made-in-India S-400 batteries at Adampur and backed by Akash and Barak-8 interceptors, shot down almost all of those unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) and loitering ammo, an effectiveness the world witnessed in awe and defence equipment companies scrambled to comprehend. Recognising that Pakistan had decided to hit its civilians, New Delhi swiftly switched from defence to punishment: in a 22-minute blitz, cued by space-based Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance (ISR) and AI-fused targeting, India crippled Pakistan's air infrastructure, flattening drone hubs at Murid, gutting fighter pens at Rafiqui and Chunian, shattering Sukkur's runway, and knocking Nur Khan's AWACS shelters offline. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD With radar screens dark and sortie rates collapsed, Pakistan's Director-General of Military Operations rang his Indian counterpart to plead for an immediate 'stoppage of firing'. PM Modi informed Parliament that India accepted, without a hint of external mediation, its objective achieved and its message unmistakably clear. While Islamabad scrambled to tender repairs for its obliterated airbases, New Delhi redoubled the hunt on home soil. Operation Mahadev, an integrated sweep by the Army, Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF), and Jammu and Kashmir Police, shadowed the Baisaran terrorists through dense woodland for fourteen weeks until, on July 28, 2025, the Baisaran terrorist trio was surrounded and neutralised in a Dachigam forest block outside Srinagar, under the brooding silhouette of Mount Mahadev. Among the items recovered were the very AK-47s used in the Baisaran Hindu massacre, Pakistani voter-identity cards, and chocolate bars stamped 'Made in Lahore'. When India's Home Minister, Amit Shah, rose in Parliament to confirm the terrorists deaths, his statement was met with thunderous applause. More than 1,000 local residents had been interviewed, those who harboured them were arrested, and the bodies were identified by courageous citizens. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Building on the precedent set by the 2016 surgical strikes and the 2019 Balakot airstrike, Operation Sindoor established an entirely new threshold. Henceforth, any terrorist assault upon Indian soil will be treated as an act of war; New Delhi will draw no distinction between the terrorists and the state that shelters them; and Pakistan's habitual nuclear blackmail will no longer afford it protection. Above all, Operation Sindoor remains unfinished business. The era of 'strategic restraint' was laid to rest and replaced by 'offensive defence', the doctrine championed by National Security Adviser Ajit Doval. The policy shift is historical. However, for several decades Islamabad's proxy war has been personified by a succession of Pakistani nationals who slipped across the LoC, wrought carnage, and, in most cases, died on Indian soil. Mast Gul set the grim template in 1995 when, leading Harkat-ul-Ansar terrorists, he torched the revered Charar-e-Sharief and escaped to a hero's welcome in PoJK. A generation later Lashkar-e-Taiba's Abu Qasim masterminded the August 5, 2015, Udhampur highway ambush that killed Border Security Force troopers, only to fall in a Kulgam encounter that October. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD His mantle passed to Abu Dujana, whose video-broadcast bravado masked a record of hit-and-run assaults on Pampore and other army posts until he was gunned down in Pulwama in August 2017. That same year, LeT gunman Abu Ismail planned the Amarnath Yatra bus attack, murdering eight Hindu pilgrims; he lasted barely two months before being cornered on Srinagar's outskirts. The most notorious of the lot, Naveed Jatt, escaped police custody from Srinagar's SMHS Hospital in 2018, assassinated senior Kashmiri journalist Shujaat Bukhari, and was himself neutralised by the Indian Security forces that November in Budgam. Each terrorist enjoyed ISI facilitation, specialised in high-profile ambushes designed for maximum communal shock, and left behind a trail of civilian and security-force deaths that highlight how PoJK's occupation has resulted in its curation as a factory for cross-border terror. While the amendment of Article 370 of the Indian constitution in 2019 changed the ground reality. With local terrorist recruitment drying up, Pakistan turned increasingly to foreign fighters. The target killing of Hindus, labourers in Kashmir under the false pretext of domicile recipients, the Reasi terror attack in 2024, and the Baisaran Hindu massacre in 2025 are proof of Pakistani desperation, and India's reply is proof of capability. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Ultimately, enduring security in the Himalayas hinges on reclaiming Pakistan-occupied Jammu & Kashmir and the Pakistan-occupied Territories of Ladakh (PoTL), illegally occupied in 1947 and methodically fashioned into a crucible of jihad. Muzaffarabad's training grids and the Neelum Valley's shadowed ravines continue to disgorge terrorists and hateful indoctrination across the Line of Control; so long as these launchpads and extremist ideologues persist, peace will remain elusive. Now, grief has hardened into resolve: from Srinagar's streets to Rameshwaram's shores, Indians of every shade stand united behind decisive action. The strategic verdict is clear: deterrence alone is no longer enough. Hence, India's strategy must now include not just 'offensive defence' but reclamation. Rahul Pawa is an international criminal lawyer and director of research at New Delhi based think tank Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.


Hans India
2 hours ago
- Hans India
New India has the courage to crush the perpetrators of terror
Varanasi: Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath on Saturday said that Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to Varanasi comes at a time when both India and the world have witnessed the country's strength and capabilities through the successful execution of Operation Sindoor. Referring to the military operation in response to the April 22 Pahalgam terror attack, Adityanath said, 'This New India has the courage to crush the perpetrators of terror into the ground and eliminate enemies by entering their territory. 'Prime Minister Modi's arrival in Kashi today follows the triumph of Operation Sindoor. On behalf of the people of Uttar Pradesh, I welcome and congratulate the prime minister.' Highlighting Modi's global stature, the chief minister said, 'He is the world's most popular leader. In recent days, you must have seen how four different countries awarded their highest civilian honours to Prime Minister Modi.' Adityanath also underlined the pride that Varanasi, or Kashi, takes for being represented by Modi as its Member of Parliament. 'It is a matter of immense pride that Prime Minister Modi represents 'Avinashi Kashi' (indestructible city of Kashi) in Parliament. Over the last 11 years, Kashi has emerged as a unique confluence of the ancient and the new -- a blend of spirituality and modernity that continues to draw global attention.' He also pointed out that Modi's presence in his home constituency for the 51st time is unprecedented for any prime minister. 'So far, the prime minister has inaugurated projects worth Rs 34,000 crore out of the Rs 51,000 crore sanctioned for Varanasi in recent years,' he said. Adityanath added that during his visit on Saturday, Modi would launch development projects worth another Rs 2,200 crore for the people of Kashi. These include initiatives in connectivity, water supply, education, healthcare, sports, cultural rejuvenation, and all-round regional development, the chief minister said.