More African countries face US visa ban
The move would expand restrictions announced earlier this month by US President Donald Trump, who framed the policy as a necessary step to enhance national security and prevent potential threats.
The proposed entry ban could affect a wide geographic swath of the African continent, including nations which have maintained longstanding diplomatic and economic ties with Washington. West African countries named in the draft list include Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Gambia, Ghana, Cote d'Ivoire, Liberia, Niger, Nigeria, and Senegal.
The list includes the Central African nations of Cameroon, Gabon, Angola, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo are reportedly included, along with the island nation of Sao Tome and Principe. The East African countries of Djibouti, Ethiopia, South Sudan, Tanzania, and Uganda are included, as well as Malawi, Zambia, and Zimbabwe in Southern Africa. Mauritania, located in Northwest Africa, and Egypt, a key US ally in North Africa, are also reportedly named.
Non-African states flagged for restrictions include Antigua and Barbuda, Bhutan, Cambodia, Dominica, Kyrgyzstan, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Syria, Tonga, Tuvalu, and Vanuatu.
The alleged document cites several reasons for the proposed bans. Some countries are said to have 'no competent or cooperative central government authority to produce reliable identity documents or other civil documents,' while others reportedly suffer from 'widespread government fraud.' It also claims that several have 'large numbers' of citizens who have overstayed their visas in the US.
According to The Washington Post, 'the memo, which was signed by Secretary of State Marco Rubio and sent Saturday to US diplomats who work with the countries, said the governments of listed nations were being given 60 days to meet new benchmarks and requirements established by the State Department.'
Earlier, on June 4, President Trump signed an executive order blacklisting nationals of 12 countries, including Chad, the Republic of the Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Libya, Somalia, and Sudan. He cited concerns over terrorism, lack of security cooperation, visa overstays, and the refusal of some governments to accept deported nationals.
In retaliation, Chad suspended visa issuance to American citizens, while some of its neighbors said they would pursue dialogue with Washington to address the issues raised.
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Meanwhile, authorities in Congo dismissed these exposés, citing a 'lack of evidence and witnesses.' In 1904, the Belgian ambassador to the US, Baron Moncheur, stated that 'calumnies against the Congo have received wide circulation, but in the end truth will prevail.' And prevail it did – but not in favor of the absolute monarch: in 1908, Belgium annexed the Congo, effectively ending Leopold's direct rule. Despite formal changes, the exploitation of local populations and natural resources persisted in the Belgian Congo. Up until 1960, harsh labor practices continued under the guise of industrialization, prompting a surge in anti-colonial movements. Kihenyegho Manasse Sage told RT that the history curriculum in DRC schools still presents the period of Belgian colonization in a limited and oversimplified manner: 'History textbooks in the Congo continue to follow a post-colonial approach, where Belgium's colonization is recounted chronologically, focusing on King Leopold II's actions, the system of forced labor, and economic exploitation, alongside the 'missionary' role of the Belgian state. These courses often lack a deep analysis of structural violence, genocide, colonial racism, and the resistance of the Congolese people, and risk 'normalizing' our colonial past. Students learn about figures like Patrice Lumumba and the struggle for independence, but without the necessary context that explains the long-term effects of colonialism on today's economy and politics.' Yves Maombi, PhD student at the University of Massachusetts and writer, told RT that local educational institutions still rely heavily on the works of colonial officials. 'Many school textbooks are based on the works of Belgian missionaries, such as Leon de Saint Moulin. Being part of the colonial system, the authors were unable to openly criticize Belgium's actions, leading to narratives that often justify colonial practices. Consequently, students receive a limited understanding of the scale of violence and systematic exploitation that occurred during Belgian rule.' The export of natural resources is the primary factor that draws interest to the Congo to this day. External powers care little about the country's development or its integration into the global economy, opting instead for a less humane approach. Kihenyegho Manasse Sage pointed out that the colonial logic of exploitation still prevails in the DRC – external actors continue to profit from the country's resources while failing to ensure its sustainable and equitable development. 'Today, although the forms of exploitation are officially legal and regulated, neo-colonial mechanisms persist: major mining projects are controlled by multinational corporations—such as Glencore, China Molybdenum, Ivanhoe Mines—that reap the lion's share of profits, while local communities suffer from environmental damage, poverty, and a lack of social infrastructure. Just like under Belgian rule, modern transportation infrastructure is primarily focused on export; roads and railways connect mines to ports rather than linking the country's interior regions,' Sage noted. Ivory was one of the first major export commodities from the Congo Free State, and was highly sought after in Europe for crafting luxury decorative items. This demand fueled brutal collection campaigns that resulted in mass depopulation and environmental devastation. The rubber boom in the fin de siècle era was followed by large-scale mining operations that began after 1908. Today, the eastern region of the Democratic Republic of the Congo is known for significant deposits of cobalt, copper, coltan (tantalum-niobium), and other minerals. As of 2023, these resources accounted for about 60% of the global production of cobalt, 40% of tantalum production, and 10% of copper production. Cobalt and tantalum are essential components in manufacturing electronic devices and are used in the aerospace, automotive, nuclear, and electrical industries. According to Kambale Volonte Molo, the secretary-general of the Congolese Community in St. Petersburg, the foundations of the modern DRC's economy were laid during the colonial era. 'The impact of the colonial past is most evident in the extractive economic model, which focuses on exporting raw materials like copper, cobalt, gold, and diamonds with minimal processing within the country. This structure was established under Belgian rule, when the Congolese economy served the interests of the metropolis,' he said. The transformation of the Congo's trade routes from thriving commercial networks into channels of exploiting people and resources demonstrates the devastating impact of colonialism. The legacy of this exploitation is still felt today in the ongoing conflict in eastern DRC, where control over valuable minerals has ignited yet another war. Armed groups continue to employ forced labor reminiscent of Leopold's era, while international corporations profit from the illegal mineral trade.
