logo
Muslims raze parts of dargah to make way for road expansion in UP's Sambhal

Muslims raze parts of dargah to make way for road expansion in UP's Sambhal

Hindustan Times09-06-2025
Nearly a month after the public works department (PWD) issued a notice instructing removal of encroachments for a road-widening project in Uttar Pradesh's Sambhal district, Muslims themselves razed parts of a dargah (mausoleum) that was located in the middle of a road hindering the project in Hayatnagar area of that district.
The mosque committee started the process on Sunday and it concluded on Monday. The committee also employed some labourers to expedite the work. Aqeel Ahmad, a member of the mosque committee, said, 'The authorities informed us that the structure was obstructing the construction work. When the officials ask for it, we have no choice but to cooperate.'
'We were waiting for Bakrid to get over. Now, we have removed the dargah ourselves,' said a local Waqar Ahmed. The committee said development work should not be obstructed by religious structures. Police and administrative teams were deployed at the site during the operation. Earlier, Hindus had also demolished a temple located just opposite the dargah. That temple too was obstructing the road project.
Sub-divisional magistrate Vandana Mishra said: 'Only the portions falling within the designated road area are being removed. This applies to parts of the dargah, mosque and even a portion of a nearby temple.'
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Legality & Loopholes: Why Arya Samaj Marriages Are Facing Court Heat
Legality & Loopholes: Why Arya Samaj Marriages Are Facing Court Heat

News18

time4 hours ago

  • News18

Legality & Loopholes: Why Arya Samaj Marriages Are Facing Court Heat

Last Updated: Arya Samaj marriages offer a quick route for interfaith and inter-caste couples, but rising misuse by fake groups is triggering legal and social scrutiny. The Allahabad High Court on July 28 directed the Uttar Pradesh government to investigate the functioning of 'fake Arya Samaj societies" allegedly involved in conducting illegal marriages across the state. The directive came from a single-judge bench while hearing a plea by a man named Sonu, who is accused of abducting and sexually assaulting a minor girl from a different faith. He told the court that he had later married the girl at an Arya Samaj Mandir. Sonu claimed the two had married in an Arya Samaj Mandir in Prayagraj a day before the complaint was filed and that the girl later chose to live with him after becoming an adult. The court, however, found that the girl was a minor at the time of the alleged marriage, and that no valid religious conversion had taken place between the interfaith couple as required under the UP Prohibition of Unlawful Conversion of Religion Act, 2021. The court also noted the marriage certificate issued by the Arya Samaj was unregistered and possibly fabricated. The case has reignited debate around the legality of marriages conducted by Arya Samaj and the role these societies play in solemnising such unions. The court also highlighted concerns over the growing number of marriages facilitated by these organisations—many of which, it noted, may be operating as 'fake" Arya Samaj societies. Founded by Swami Dayanand Saraswati in 1875, the Arya Samaj began as a Hindu reform movement focused on reviving Vedic values. It gained significant influence in northern India, especially in regions like Punjab (now divided between India and Pakistan), during the late 19th century. One of the defining features of the Arya Samaj was its introduction of 'Shuddhi', or purification, which aimed to bring individuals from other faiths or ideologies into its vision of Vedic, monotheistic Hinduism. The Arya Samaj took a progressive stance on inter-caste and interfaith marriages. Before the Special Marriage Act (SMA), 1954, came into effect, it offered one of the few ways for Hindus to marry outside their caste or faith while still retaining their caste identity. To remove any ambiguity around the legality of such unions, the Arya Marriage Validation Act was enacted in 1937. This law formally recognised marriages conducted according to Arya Samaj rituals. These weddings follow a simplified set of Hindu ceremonies and require only that the couple is of legal age and identifies as Arya Samajis—regardless of caste or prior religious affiliation. The 1937 Act clearly states that Arya Samaj marriages cannot be considered invalid just because the individuals belong to different castes or were from another religion before the marriage. Why Do Couples Prefer Arya Samaj Weddings? The Hindu Marriage Act, 1955—which governs Hindus, Buddhists, Jains, and Sikhs—recognises marriages performed by the Arya Samaj. People from other religions can also marry under this system, provided they declare themselves members of the Arya Samaj. Many Arya Samaj temples are known to perform this conversion quickly, making the entire marriage process efficient. With minimal formalities, no lengthy waiting periods, and swift documentation, these ceremonies can be completed within a couple of hours. This convenience is particularly appealing to couples in love who face opposition from families or communities due to differences in caste or religion. While interfaith couples can also marry under the Special Marriage Act, it requires a 30-day public notice before the wedding, a step that can expose them to pressure or threats from family members or authorities. In contrast, Arya Samaj weddings offer a more private and faster alternative. How Do Fake Arya Samaj Societies Operate? While Arya Samaj marriages offer a quick and accessible option for couples facing barriers due to caste, religion, or social pressure, a growing number of fake organisations operating under the Arya Samaj name have emerged. These unauthorised groups often conduct marriages without proper checks, forged documents, and in some cases, even solemnise the weddings of underage brides. Why Are Authorities Cracking Down On Arya Samaj Marriages? A key legal question—whether Arya Samaj marriages should follow the procedures laid out in the Special Marriage Act—has been pending before the Supreme Court since 2022. Several states have passed stringent anti-conversion laws, which have led multiple High Courts to question the legality of Arya Samaj marriages, particularly those involving religious conversion. For example, under the Uttar Pradesh Prohibition of Unlawful Conversion of Religion Act, 2021, Section 6 voids any marriage that involves an improper or unauthorised religious conversion. Sections 8 and 9 require a formal declaration 60 days before conversion and another after the conversion, both of which must be submitted to the District Magistrate. The authorities are also required to verify that the conversion is voluntary and lawful. Section 12 of the Act shifts the burden of proof to the accused, who must prove that the conversion, and by extension, the marriage, was not carried out through coercion or fraud. This legal presumption renders many such marriages invalid by default. As a result, Arya Samaj weddings, especially those involving 'Shuddhi' before interfaith marriages, are increasingly seen as incompatible with these legal requirements. Courts have flagged concerns that many Arya Samaj organisations are solemnising marriages without ensuring legal conversions or verifying the couple's eligibility. top videos View all Over the years, there have been several cases where High Courts have directed police to investigate such marriages, citing reports of forged documents, underage brides or grooms, and conversions done without proper procedure. In 2022, the Supreme Court remarked orally that the Arya Samaj had 'no business" issuing marriage certificates. Similarly, in 2023, the Delhi High Court instructed an Arya Samaj temple to ensure the authenticity of witnesses and couples before performing ceremonies. About the Author Surbhi Pathak Surbhi Pathak, subeditor, writes on India, world affairs, science, and education. She is currently dabbling with lifestyle content. Follow her on X: @S_Pathak_11. Get Latest Updates on Movies, Breaking News On India, World, Live Cricket Scores, And Stock Market Updates. Also Download the News18 App to stay updated! tags : Arya Samaj hindu marriage act view comments Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: August 02, 2025, 11:24 IST News explainers Legality & Loopholes: Why Arya Samaj Marriages Are Facing Court Heat Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.

Malegaon blast case acquittals expose a deep-rooted bias in Congress
Malegaon blast case acquittals expose a deep-rooted bias in Congress

Indian Express

time4 hours ago

  • Indian Express

Malegaon blast case acquittals expose a deep-rooted bias in Congress

The recent verdict in the Malegaon blast case has not just acquitted individuals like Lieutenant Colonel Prasad Purohit and Sadhvi Pragya — it has exposed something far more sinister: The Congress party's consistent and deep-rooted prejudice against the Hindu community. As someone who believes in justice, constitutional morality, and the inclusive spirit of India, I find it essential to call out this ideological poison for what it is. The judgment in the 2008 Malegaon blast case is damning, not for the accused but for the political ecosystem that manipulated agencies, planted narratives, and criminalised identities. The court noted how the prosecution failed to provide evidence beyond reasonable doubt, how witnesses turned hostile, and how the fabric of the case was stitched together with political intent. As someone who has followed the case closely, including the detailed biography of Lt Col Purohit by journalist Smita Mishra, I was appalled. Here was a decorated Army officer who had been entrusted with infiltrating terror networks, but who ended up being framed as a terrorist himself. His nine years behind bars were not just a personal tragedy — they were the outcome of a Congress-led UPA regime that needed to invent 'Hindu terror' to balance Islamist terror in the public discourse. This perverse narrative was systematically constructed by three key Congress leaders. In August 2010, then-Union Home Minister P Chidambaram publicly warned of a new phenomenon of 'saffron terrorism', alleging that radical Hindu outfits were implicated in bomb blasts. His colleague Digvijay Singh then popularised the term within the Congress ranks, describing 'terrorism among Hindus' while paradoxically objecting to religious descriptors for terrorism. The campaign reached its peak when then-Home Minister Sushil Kumar Shinde defended 'saffron terror' at a party conclave in January 2013, claiming his ministry's confidential papers substantiated the allegations. Years later, Shinde would admit that coining the term was a mistake — but by then, irreparable damage had been done to innocent lives and India's social fabric. This perverse narrative found its way into diplomatic cables too. In the WikiLeaks cable from 2009, Rahul Gandhi reportedly told then-US Ambassador Timothy Roemer that Hindu radicalism was a bigger threat to India than Lashkar-e-Taiba. This was not a stray remark. It was a window into the Congress's ideological framework, where the Hindu is always the problem and the minority vote bank must always be coddled, even at the cost of truth. Go back to 1951. When the Somnath temple was reconstructed after centuries of devastation, India's first President Rajendra Prasad, agreed to attend the inauguration. But Jawaharlal Nehru disapproved, fearing it would look like 'Hindu revivalism'. Fast forward to 1985. The Supreme Court delivers a progressive judgment in favor of Shah Bano, a Muslim woman seeking alimony. But Rajiv Gandhi caved under pressure from conservative clerics and overturned the ruling through legislation. In 1988, the Congress government banned Salman Rushdie's The Satanic Verses — even before protests erupted in India. It wasn't about public order; it was about pre-emptively appeasing a vote bank. And perhaps the most shocking of all: In 2006, then-Prime Minister Manmohan Singh declared, 'We will have to devise innovative plans to ensure that minorities, particularly the Muslim minority, are empowered to share equitably in the fruits of development. They must have the first claim on resources.' I am a Dalit, and I cannot stay silent at the suggestion that national development should be filtered by religion. What about the poor Hindu, the Dalit student, the tribal child? Does their struggle not count? Today, when Rahul Gandhi speaks of 'social justice' and champions Dalit rights, one must ask: How does denying reservation to marginalised communities in prestigious institutions like AMU and Jamia serve social justice? This is the height of hypocrisy — using Dalit symbolism for votes while systematically undermining Dalit interests in policy. This isn't just about Congress. It's about the future of India's democracy. A nation cannot move forward if it continues to be shackled by ideological hatred and historical bias. Hindu identity is not extremist. It is civilisational. And those who equate it with terror not only insult India's history —they endanger its future. The Congress party owes an apology. To the falsely accused. To the institutions it compromised. And to the silent Hindu majority who have endured humiliation in the name of 'secularism'. The writer is national spokesperson of the BJP

In an Assam village, young men who found work in Gurgaon are returning in droves
In an Assam village, young men who found work in Gurgaon are returning in droves

Indian Express

time8 hours ago

  • Indian Express

In an Assam village, young men who found work in Gurgaon are returning in droves

'If I don't work, my family won't be able to eat. But the mahaul (atmosphere) there is scary. I will wait here for a couple of weeks, and if things improve, I will go back,' said Mohammad Anwar Hussain, from his home in Assam's Kokrajhar. Shaken by the Gurugram police's crackdown in the past two weeks, 22-year-old Hussain locked up his rented house in the city last Friday and took a train back to his village. Not just him, seven other Bengali-Muslim men from his village, Haoripet 1, in the Gossaigaon subdivision of Kokrajhar, who had been living and working in Gurugram, have returned fearing detention. In mid-July, the Gurugram police began what they called a 'routine verification' drive to identify Bangladeshis and Rohingya living illegally in the city, as part of which hundreds of Bengali-Muslims have been taken to and held in police stations and 'holding centres'. At least 250-odd such people have been released from these centres after document verification since the drive started. Anwar's uncle was one of those held as part of the drive, which cemented his decision to leave the city until the dust settles. He, his uncle, and others from his village were employed as sanitation workers and pantry workers in a sprawling corporate complex in Gurugram's Sector 74A. 'Around July 14, I started seeing people being picked up, and though I have my documents, I felt uneasy. On July 16, my uncle was held. His landlord told him that the police were summoning him and that he should go to the Badshahpur police station. When he did, he was kept there for nearly a week and was let go only after our local police station in Gossaigaon spoke to them and confirmed that he was from here. He had a hard time, and that experience scared me. So I told my company that things are not good and I want to leave for some time, and they told me that it's fine. I took a train and reached the village on Saturday. Thankfully, I had already sent my wife and two children back to the village earlier in the month,' said Hussain, who has worked in Gurugram for over five years. Hazrat Ali (25) said he was terrified when dozens of people who lived and worked with him were picked up. 'I live in a slum in the city, and for two days straight, police came and picked up one or two people from there. They were released after eight hours. On the third day, around 20-25 people were rounded up and kept for nearly a week. I was at work at the time. There were men from other parts of Assam like Dhubri, Barpeta and Bongaigaon. It was so scary, police could come any time, night or day, and take people away. Everyone around me started preparing to leave, and I felt that it wasn't safe for me to stay back if everyone else was leaving,' he said. He said that he does not intend to stay away from the city and his livelihood for long. 'I have been making calls, and people in Gurugram are telling me that it will be better soon. So I am thinking of going back this weekend, I don't want to lose my job,' he said. Another resident of the village, Aminul Hoque (20), landed in Gurugram just three months ago to join his elder brother at work, but left in panic soon after. According to Nur Mohammad Ansari, who is part of the All BTC Minority Students Union (ABMSU), hundreds of Bengali-Muslims from Gossaigaon alone work in Gurugram. 'We are trying to keep track of their situation. There are many others who are unable to come back because they are short on money. They are taking shelter in others' houses or hiding somewhere else for fear of being detained,' he said. 'It was impossible to live there like that. We work hard for eight years, and then we don't know when at night someone will come, pick us up and take us away,' said Anwar. The Gurgaon police, however, maintain that no genuine citizen needs to fear or flee the to their home state, and there is no need to panic.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store