
Nari Shakti played crucial role during Operation Sindoor: Rajnath Singh
Defence Minister Rajnath Singh on Thursday (May 29, 2025) said women pilots and other women soldiers played a crucial role in the effective action taken by India against terrorism in Pakistan and Pakistan occupied Jammu & Kashmir during Operation Sindoor.
At the flag-in ceremony of INSV Tarini in Goa, on the return of Lieutenant Commanders Dilna K and Roopa following a successful circumnavigation expedition 'Navika Sagar Parikrama II', Mr. Singh said ever since the participation of women in the armed forces increased, they had performed exceptionally well in every role and fulfilled every responsibility.
'From the heights of Siachen to the depths of the ocean, Indian women are fulfilling many responsibilities, which has further bolstered the security circle of the country. Today, the doors of Sainik Schools are open for girls and 17 women are passing out from National Defence Academy this month. Operation Sindoor witnessed active and effective participation of women in every branch of the Indian Armed Forces,' he said.
The Defence Minister commended the two Navy women officers for the successful completion of the expedition. They became the first from India to accomplish such a feat in double-handed mode. The officers covered a distance of 25,600 nautical miles over a period of eight months with port calls at Fremantle (Australia), Lyttleton (New Zealand), Port Stanley (Falkland Islands) and Cape Town (South Africa).
In his address, Chief of the Naval Staff Admiral Dinesh K. Tripathi praised the duo's resilience, perseverance and indomitable spirit.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Hans India
31 minutes ago
- Hans India
India Accelerates Deployment Of 52 Military Surveillance Satellites Following Operation Sindoor
India has expedited its ambitious military satellite program, announcing plans to deploy 52 defense surveillance satellites by 2029 as part of a comprehensive strategy to strengthen space-based monitoring capabilities across sensitive border regions with China and Pakistan, as well as the Indian Ocean Region. The substantial Rs 26,968 crore initiative represents a direct response to China's expanding military space infrastructure and aims to establish continuous real-time surveillance and enhanced border security measures. The program has gained urgency following strategic insights gained from Operation Sindoor, which demonstrated the critical importance of indigenous and commercial satellite-based tracking systems. Under the third phase of the Space-Based Surveillance program, the Indian Space Research Organisation will be responsible for launching 21 satellites, while three private sector companies will develop and deploy the remaining 31 satellites. This public-private partnership approach marks a significant shift in India's defense satellite strategy, emphasizing rapid deployment capabilities and technological innovation. The satellite constellation's deployment timeline begins with the first satellite launch scheduled for April 2026, with the entire network expected to achieve full operational capacity by the end of 2029. The system will provide high-resolution imaging capabilities and enhanced revisit frequencies to support India's Army, Navy, and Air Force in monitoring adversary movements within enemy territory. A key innovation in this program involves ISRO's plan to transfer Small Satellite Launch Vehicle technology to private partners, enabling swift satellite deployment during emergency situations. This capability ensures rapid response times for critical surveillance needs and maintains operational flexibility during periods of heightened tension. Air Marshal Ashutosh Dixit, Chief of Integrated Defence Staff, emphasized the strategic importance of early threat detection, stating that India must identify and track potential threats while they remain in staging areas, airfields, and bases deep within adversary territory, rather than waiting until they approach Indian borders. The Integrated Defence Staff is supervising the comprehensive project, which will utilize both low Earth orbit and geostationary orbit configurations to maximize coverage and surveillance effectiveness. The satellite network is designed to serve as both a deterrent and countermeasure against China's developing anti-satellite capabilities, including kinetic weapons and electronic warfare systems. The acceleration of this program reflects India's recognition of space as a critical domain for national security, particularly given the evolving threat landscape in the region. The constellation will significantly enhance India's ability to monitor strategic locations, track military movements, and maintain situational awareness across vast geographical areas. This initiative positions India among the leading nations in military space capabilities, demonstrating its commitment to maintaining strategic autonomy and defensive preparedness in an increasingly complex security environment. The project's success will establish India as a formidable player in space-based defense systems while providing essential intelligence capabilities for national security operations.


Indian Express
an hour ago
- Indian Express
India's trade strategy with China will have to rely on a ‘managed rivalry'
Written by Soumya Bhowmick India's trade relationship with China sits at the intersection of economic necessity and national security anxiety. While bilateral commerce continues to thrive in volume, it remains fundamentally distorted by strategic asymmetries. India's widening trade deficit, its reliance on Chinese technology inputs, and Beijing's growing support for Islamabad have sharpened the dilemma facing Indian policymakers: How to engage economically without compromising sovereignty and security. In response, New Delhi is reimagining its economic diplomacy through a 'China-plus-one' playbook — anchored in diversification, industrial policy, and regional recalibration. Bilateral trade remains substantial between the two countries, but it is significantly imbalanced. In FY2024–25, India's two-way merchandise trade with China reached approximately US$127.7 billion, making China India's second-largest trading partner after the US. However, this came at the cost of a record trade deficit of US$99.2 billion — the highest on record — highlighting deep structural dependencies in India's economy, particularly in the technology and pharmaceutical sectors. In light of these dynamics, Indian policymakers have adopted a cautious approach. Under a policy introduced in 2020, all foreign direct investment (FDI) from China and other countries sharing land borders with India must obtain prior government approval. In April 2025, Commerce Minister Piyush Goyal reiterated that India 'does not intend to encourage' Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) from China. By the end of 2024, Chinese firms accounted for only about 0.37 per cent of India's total FDI inflows. While easing these restrictions in non-sensitive sectors such as solar energy and batteries may be helpful, the prevailing geopolitical climate has stalled such proposals. Instead, India has intensified scrutiny of Chinese technology and infrastructure investments, banned dozens of Chinese apps, and maintained strict regulatory oversight over the telecom and electronics sectors. China's overt support for Pakistan has further deepened Indian scepticism. Beijing's financing and arming of a country India considers a direct security threat has amplified concerns about the strategic costs of deeper economic ties. In response, India has adopted diversification strategies, including strengthening economic partnerships with the United States, Japan, and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), as well as promoting domestic manufacturing under the 'Make in India' initiative. These measures aim to reduce dependency on any single partner while retaining space for selective engagement with China. This hedging strategy reflects a broader shift in India's foreign economic policy — from passive openness to strategic selectivity. India's answer to the widening trade gap with China is a two-pronged strategy: Build deeper commercial coalitions with trusted partners and turbo-charge domestic manufacturing so that tomorrow's supply chains run through, not around, India. The result is a deliberate 'China-plus-one' realignment that now threads through New Delhi's engagements with Washington, Tokyo, and ASEAN while anchoring at home under the Make in India and Production-Linked Incentive (PLI) drives. This strategy is not just about trade — it is about securing India's place in a reconfigured global production map. Such shifts reflect the growing convergence of commercial logic with strategic alignment. Washington has become India's largest goods-trade partner for the fourth consecutive year, with bilateral merchandise commerce reaching US$131.8 billion in FY 2024-25 — up from barely US$88 billion in 2019 — and resulting in India having a healthy surplus of more than US$41 billion. The new backbone of that relationship is the Initiative on Critical and Emerging Technologies (iCET), which has already green-lighted joint semiconductor, AI, and space projects and prodded both governments to prune export-control frictions. Tokyo complements this pivot by underwriting supply-chain security and industrial upgrading. More than four-fifths of Japanese firms operating in India intend to expand over the next two years, according to JETRO's latest global survey, by far the highest figure among major host economies. At the policy level, the Supply-Chain Resilience Initiative (SCRI), in collaboration with Japan and Australia, has targeted investment in electronics, batteries, and rare-earth processing hubs in India, specifically designed to mitigate single-country dependency. Japan's role is pivotal, not just as an investor, but also as a norm-setter for resilient and transparent value chains. Southeast Asia forms the third pillar. India's two-way goods trade with ASEAN hovers around US$110 billion. Still, both sides have agreed to fast-track a review of the ASEAN-India Trade in Goods Agreement to reduce non-tariff barriers and open services markets. Simultaneously, niche collaborations — such as semiconductor ecosystem talks with Singapore and defence-manufacturing tie-ups with Indonesia — are knitting India into 'China-plus-one' production networks across the region. This eastward economic orientation reinforces India's Indo-Pacific vision and places regional connectivity at its core. External diversification is reinforced at home by the PLI programmes, which now span 14 sectors with approved investments of approximately US$18.7 billion. One headline success is electronics: India has become the world's second-largest mobile phone maker, producing 99 per cent of the handsets sold domestically. Smartphone exports alone surged 55 per cent in FY 2024-25 to US$ 24.1 billion, leap-frogging petroleum and diamonds to become India's single most oversized export item and signalling a decisive shift toward higher-value manufacturing. India's industrial push is not only about import substitution — it is about export-led competitiveness in sunrise sectors. India's evolving economic strategy increasingly hinges on deepening ties with alternative partners across the Indo-Pacific. This pivot is also visible in recalibrating subregional engagement through BIMSTEC (Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation). As SAARC remains paralysed by India–Pakistan tensions, BIMSTEC has emerged as the primary forum for regional cooperation, offering a platform that bypasses Islamabad and aligns with India's Act East policy. At the 6th BIMSTEC Summit in Bangkok in April 2025, member states adopted the Bangkok Vision 2030. They signed new agreements on maritime connectivity and security cooperation, signalling intent to re-anchor the Bay of Bengal as a geoeconomic hub. For India, BIMSTEC complements its external diversification efforts by linking its northeastern states to Southeast Asian economies, spurring regional infrastructure, trade, and logistical corridors that sidestep China. Finally, India's evolving engagement with China reflects a strategy of managed rivalry — balancing selective cooperation with strategic hedging. Rather than decoupling, India is recalibrating its economic and diplomatic posture by diversifying partnerships, securing resilient supply chains, and reducing dependence on China, especially as Beijing deepens ties with Pakistan. This marks a shift from reactive diplomacy to a tactically layered approach, where competition is contained without collapsing ties. The writer is a Fellow and Lead, World Economies and Sustainability at the Centre for New Economic Diplomacy (CNED) at Observer Research Foundation (ORF)


News18
an hour ago
- News18
'Backdoor NRC' Push? Why 2.93 Crore Bihar Voters Must Prove Citizenship To Cast Their Ballot
The EC kicked off a special, intensive revision of the voter list in Bihar this week. According to an announcement on Saturday, of the total 7.89 crore voters in the state, around 4.96 crore—those who were already registered as of January 1, 2003—only need to fill out and submit the new enumeration form. However, the remaining 2.93 crore voters, which is about 37 per cent of the total, will also need to provide documents proving their Indian citizenship along with the form. Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar told news agency PTI on Sunday that the purpose is to ensure that no eligible citizen is left out of the electoral rolls while no ineligible person is part of it. The 37 per cent population will have to provide one of the 11 listed documents to establish their place or date of birth. EC, however, clarified that it does not mean they need to furnish the place/date of birth of their parents if their parents are named in the 2003 voters' list. WHY THE NEED NOW? There is a difference between a usual revision of the electoral roll where one can add delete or edit names and EC's special intensive revision. Intensive revisions were carried out in 1952-56, 1957, 1961, 1965, 1966, 1983-84, 1987-89, 1992, 1993, 1995, 2002, 2003 and 2004, the poll body has revealed—a fact that may put the Congress in a spot. The last intensive revision for Bihar was conducted by the commission in the year 2003. This time, the EC has its reasons for repeating the practice. 'Various reasons such as rapid urbanisation, frequent migration, young citizens becoming eligible to vote, non-reporting of deaths and inclusion of the names of foreign illegal immigrants have necessitated the conduct of an intensive revision so as to ensure integrity and preparation of error-free electoral rolls," the poll body reasoned on June 24 when it announced its plans for Bihar. WHAT WILL PROVE YOUR CITIZENSHIP? In addition to the enumeration form, electors added to the role after 2003 will have to prove their citizenship in Bihar in this assembly election. Those born in India before July 1, 1987, will have to submit any document from the specified list. But those born in India between July 1, 1987, and December 2, 2004, will have to submit an additional document establishing one parent's date and place of birth. Those born in India after December 2, 2004, will have to submit documents establishing the date and place of birth of both parents. Passports, birth certificates, and SC/ST certificates are some of the valid documents that will do the job among many others. POLITICS & GHOST OF NRC The EC has made it clear that the move will not be limited to Bihar and will be rolled out across the country. With six assembly elections lined up, many chief ministers are visibly uncomfortable with the move. Advertisement