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Campaigners Warn Childhood Is Being Lost to Screens as Outdoor Play Declines by 50 Percent

Campaigners Warn Childhood Is Being Lost to Screens as Outdoor Play Declines by 50 Percent

Epoch Times11-06-2025
Campaigners have warned that modern childhood has become increasingly solitary and screen-dependent, calling on the government to create child-friendly playful neighbourhoods.
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Over half (55 percent) of parents believe their youngest child plays outside less than they did, while three-quarters (75 percent) say society is less accepting of children playing out than in their own childhood.
'Play is a crucial and innate part of childhood. Play is how children explore who they are, how they relate to others, and how they make sense of the world. It is one of the most powerful tools we have to boost children's physical activity, wellbeing, and confidence. Yet as this report shows, in England we've made it incredibly hard for children to play,' said commission Chair Paul Lindley.
Following a year-long independent inquiry, the report said that rising traffic, parental safety concerns, and the disappearance of parks and youth centres have sharply curtailed children's freedom to play outside.
Key recommendations include the removal of 'No Ball Games' signs, reduced traffic in residential areas, and the redesign of neighbourhoods to foster child-friendly environments.
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There is also a push for more mobile and accessible play facilities such as play buses and toy libraries.
Lindley added that building genuinely playful communities goes beyond improving street design, managing traffic, and reducing crime, it also requires challenging and reversing the increasing societal intolerance towards children playing.
Freedom to Play Outside
Campaigners for children's freedom to play outside Playing Out
A survey by the group last year revealed the growing popularity of the UK play streets movement, which involves road closures organised by neighbourhoods in order to create a safe space for children to play outside.
Since starting on a single street in Bristol in 2009, the idea has now spread to over 1,500 street communities nationwide.
The Raising the Nation Play Commission's report didn't stop at playgrounds. It called for a shift in how play is valued within education and health care.
It urged the restoration of break times in schools and embedding play into the primary curriculum.
Schools would be required to develop their own play plans, with staff receiving high-quality training in play-based learning, the report said.
Safety guideline notices are seen at a reopened playground at St. Mary's Field in Wallington, England, on July 4, 2020.It also recommended a national pilot of 'play-on-prescription,' and called for play to be included in the Department of Health's 10-year strategy to tackle obesity and mental ill-health in young people.
'Too many of our children are spending their most precious years sedentary, doom-scrolling on their phones and often alone.
'It is no coincidence that the least happy generation, the generation with the highest rates of obesity and rising ill health, is the generation that plays less and less,' said Baroness Anne Longfield, co-founder of the Centre for Young Lives think tank and former children's commissioner for England.
Digital Detox
While the commission recognised that digital play can be positive, it criticised the unchecked addictive design of many digital products aimed at children. The report recommended raising the digital age of consent to 16 and prohibiting addictive design features like endless scrolls and streaks in children's apps.
It also called for government-endorsed health warnings on apps and a national digital detox campaign.
'The Government's National Play Strategy should include a specific commitment to a step-change in the quantity and quality of children's use of digital devices,' said the report.
Last year, campaigners from the children's rights group Us For Them
It followed
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The symptoms among children aged 13–16 and 16–18 included feeling upset when the phone is unavailable, struggling to control the amount of time spent on the phone, and using the device for longer without feeling satisfied.
Government Measures
Technology Secretary Pete Kyle has said the government is looking at ways to limit how much time children spend on their phones.
One idea being considered is an 'app cap,' which could include a 10 p.m. curfew on phone use.
The move is part of wider efforts to encourage more outdoor play and reduce screen time.
A government spokesperson said, 'We recognise the vital importance of play and access to nature as part of children's development and wellbeing as we strive to create the healthiest and happiest generation of children ever.'
The government says it is already helping through its Plan for Change, which includes turning schoolyards into green spaces, investing £100 million in grassroots sports, and improving access to after-school activities.
Schools already have the power to ban phones, and most do. From July, new rules under the Online Safety Act will also force social media companies to protect children from harmful content online.
PA Media contributed to this report.
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Trade bodies welcome Ireland alcohol health warning labels delay
Trade bodies welcome Ireland alcohol health warning labels delay

Yahoo

time7 days ago

  • Yahoo

Trade bodies welcome Ireland alcohol health warning labels delay

The local and European drinks trade has reacted positively to Ireland's delay of implementing health warnings and calorie information on alcoholic beverages. Reports emerged last week indicating the government's intention to delay putting the legislation into force. Two senior government officials told Politico the move was being made due to fears of US tariffs affecting Ireland's drinks exports. In a statement to Just Drinks yesterday (23 July), the Department of Health said: "Following the Government's decision to defer the implementation of alcohol labelling requirements from 2026 to 2028, the Department of Health will arrange for the necessary amendments to the relevant regulations." National drinks trade body Drinks Ireland welcomed the delay. It said the move brings "much-needed relief" for producers, "and allows our exporters to focus their resources and efforts on market diversification and indeed, survival of their businesses". The Irish drinks sector is already facing "major trade uncertainty, new tariffs on product[s] entering our most important export market, the US, and threats of further tariff escalation", the association said, adding while Irish producers are focused on exports, they also require a "strong, competitive domestic marketplace". The country passed the legislation in 2023. It required alcohol producers to include health warning labels on drinks labelling information for alcoholic beverages. The labels were intended to highlight the risks of drinking alcohol and include information on a product's calorie content. They were supposed to come into effect from May next year. The labelling law which was to be implemented "as a unilateral national measure" would have seen packaging and labelling costs go up "by some 35%", according to Drinks Ireland. The trade body argued that the law should be implemented at the EU level "to maintain the integrity of the EU Single Market and avoid additional costs on Irish businesses versus our competitors". "Pushing through this unilateral change would have resulted in some businesses forgoing the Irish market, would have driven up the price of doing business for all drinks producers and would have impacted on the cost and choice for consumers." EU wine trade body Comité Européen des Entreprises Vins (CEEV) also welcomed the Irish government's decision, describing it as "an important opportunity to re-align regulatory efforts with EU law and the principles of the Single Market". 'Introducing a unilateral and disproportionate health warning on all alcoholic beverages sold in Ireland would have imposed significant costs and administrative burdens, especially for small and medium-sized wine producers, while undermining the integrity of the EU Single Market and legal framework," said Marzia Varvaglione, president of the CEEV. "Public health objectives must be pursued in a legally sound and coordinated way. Fragmentation only leads to confusion for consumers and unnecessary costs for producers,' she added. The CEEV filed a complaint to the European Commission on Ireland's new labelling laws when they were announced two years ago, it said, stating that the legislation went against "the Union's legal framework". 'This pause shall be more than just a delay, it is a much-needed chance to rethink how we ensure consumers are well-informed, while also safeguarding the legal and economic coherence of the European market,' Ignacio Sánchez Recarte, the secretary general of CEEV, said. 'Wine producers and consumers deserve rules that are balanced, evidence-based, and applied consistently across the EU.' Delay with "real-life consequences", says charity Local charity Alcohol Action Ireland however said it was "disappointed" by the delay, arguing that the legislation was a crucial part of Ireland's Public Health (Alcohol) Act (2018), which looks to reduce the negative effects of alcohol, and cut down national consumption. Dr Sheila Gilheany, the CEO of Alcohol Action Ireland, said: 'To say that this delay is a blow for public health in Ireland is an understatement. It is a failure of leadership and of democracy. "It's not just that Irish people are being denied their right to information regarding some of the facts about alcohol so that they can make informed decisions. It's not just that the government is allowing its own groundbreaking legislation to be undermined by the very industry it is designed to regulate. "This delay will have real-life consequences that will be felt by ordinary Irish people every day." "Trade bodies welcome Ireland alcohol health warning labels delay" was originally created and published by Just Drinks, a GlobalData owned brand. The information on this site has been included in good faith for general informational purposes only. It is not intended to amount to advice on which you should rely, and we give no representation, warranty or guarantee, whether express or implied as to its accuracy or completeness. You must obtain professional or specialist advice before taking, or refraining from, any action on the basis of the content on our site.

Legislature approves exclusive rights to internet gaming for Wabanaki Nations
Legislature approves exclusive rights to internet gaming for Wabanaki Nations

Yahoo

time30-06-2025

  • Yahoo

Legislature approves exclusive rights to internet gaming for Wabanaki Nations

In 2022, the Maine Legislature amended the Settlement Act to permit Tribes to handle sports betting, and the internet gaming bill would build off of that earlier expansion. (Photo by Getty Images) The Maine Legislature passed a bill to give the Wabanaki Nations exclusive rights to operate internet gaming in Maine. If this bill, LD 1164, ultimately becomes law, it would require 16% of the revenue generated from internet gaming to go back to the state to fund services to address gambling addiction programs, substance use disorder, emergency housing relief and veteran housing. However, there are still remaining hurdles until that is guaranteed. Last Thursday, the House passed the bill 85-59 but the Senate split over the legislation before tabling it. When it took the bill back up Monday, the upper chamber first attempted to reject the bill but fell short of doing so with a 17-18 vote. The Senate ultimately passed it without a roll call. Later Monday night, the Senate attempted to reconsider its vote, but that motion failed 17-18. Both chambers therefore followed the recommendation from the Veterans and Legal Affairs Committee to support the measure. But Maine's Department of Health and Human Services opposed the bill during its public hearing. While Press Secretary Ben Goodman declined to share an official stance from Gov. Janet Mills, instead saying the administration is 'monitoring' the bill, Wabanaki leaders say there is not much appetite from the governor, presenting the possibility of a veto. Legislature considers paths to afford Wabanaki Nations more revenue from gambling The federal Indian Gaming Regulatory Act of 1988 codified that tribes have the exclusive right to regulate gaming on their lands, unless the state in which it operates prohibits such gaming under its criminal laws. However, the 1980 Maine Indian Claims Settlement Act has made it so the Wabanaki Nations are treated more akin to municipalities than independent nations, one way being that the Tribes are unable to benefit from any federal law passed after 1980, unless they are specifically mentioned in the law. In 2022, the Maine Legislature amended the Settlement Act to permit Tribes to handle sports betting, so the legislation being considered this session would build off of that earlier expansion. 'The proposal to authorize igaming for Maine's tribes is more than a revenue conversation,' Brian Reynolds, the new Tribal Representative for the Houlton Band of Maliseet Indians, said during debate on the House floor Thursday. 'It's about laying a foundation for self-reliance through modern tools. This is a chance for us to meet economic needs without waiting on federal grants or new appropriations. It allows us to stand on our own.' The Department of Health and Human Services' opposition largely centered around not wanting to incentivize more gambling. 'While the bill directs a portion of revenue collected, which will be used to further prevention and treatment efforts, the number of individuals who may need support and resources will continue to increase along with the public health concerns associated with gambling and internet use,' Puthiery Va, director of the Maine Center for Disease Control and Prevention under DHHS, testified during the public hearing. Rep. Amy Roeder (D-Bangor) presented a rebuttal to this view during a speech on the floor Thursday. Noting that it is tempting to try to legislate morality, 'that's not our job,' Roeder said. 'It's our job outside of this chamber to talk to our families, to talk to our children about why we don't become addicted to gambling, why we shouldn't drink to excess, but that's not our job to legislate.' Other proponents argued internet gambling is already happening and the bill presents an opportunity for greater oversight. 'Regulating igaming gives us the tools to enforce safeguards like age verification, betting limits and addiction resources that the offshore platforms ignore,' Reynold said on the floor. 'By bringing this market under Maine's laws, we're not only protecting the Maine gaming market, we're protecting people.' SUBSCRIBE: GET THE MORNING HEADLINES DELIVERED TO YOUR INBOX The bill also presents an opportunity for the state to benefit on gambling that's already happening, Passamaquoddy Tribal Rep. Aaron Dana said in an interview with Maine Morning Star. 'If we allow that type of gaming and regulate that gaming here in the state of Maine, then we have the ability to have geo fencing and firewalls so the illegal online gaming is not happening anymore and the state is actually gaining revenue from it.' Dana sees this added revenue as particularly key in light of the tight budget year. 'I think it would be a win-win,' he said. Maine's privately owned casinos — Hollywood Casino, Hotel and Raceway in Bangor and Oxford Casino Hotel — are opposed because it would create an internet gaming monopoly for the Wabanaki Nations and, they argue, hurt their businesses by diverting revenue to the online options. 'Oxford Casino has delivered on its promise to Maine — creating jobs, paying taxes, and supporting local businesses,' Matt Gallagher, the casino's general manager, testified during the public hearing. 'LD 1164 undermines this success.' Dana argues the demographics of people who use online gaming are different from those who go to brick-and mortar-casinos. Roeder also argued 'the brick-and-mortars will not suffer because they offer something that igaming does not,' which is a social experience. The Legislature is also considering another gaming bill that pertains to the Wabanaki Nations this session, though it has yet to receive floor votes. Rather than altering the structure of who controls gaming, LD 1851 seeks to provide equality among the Wabanaki Nations in how much revenue they are provided from slot machine income in the state. It would increase the total net slot machine income to be collected and distributed by a casino from 39% to 46%, which would only impact Hollywood Casino, as Oxford Casino is currently at that percentage. It would then provide 7% of that income to the tribal governments of the Houlton Band of Maliseet Indians and the Mi'kmaq Nation. This is roughly the same revenue, around $3.5 million, that Oxford already provides the Passamaquoddy Tribe and Penobscot Nation. While both gaming bills could be passed, Chief of the Houlton Band of Maliseet Indians Clarissa Sabattis told Maine Morning Star she anticipates the slot revenue bill will not be as necessary should the Tribes gain control of internet gaming, though she sees that path as the less likely outcome. SUPPORT: YOU MAKE OUR WORK POSSIBLE

Can ‘Ohio's Anthony Fauci' Stage a Political Comeback?
Can ‘Ohio's Anthony Fauci' Stage a Political Comeback?

Politico

time28-06-2025

  • Politico

Can ‘Ohio's Anthony Fauci' Stage a Political Comeback?

ARCHBOLD, Ohio — On a Thursday night in early April, outside the banquet hall of a community college off a rural stretch of highway in northwest Ohio, a small group was hovering excitedly around Amy Acton. Acton, Ohio's Covid-era health director, was headlining a Democratic fundraiser an hour outside Toledo as the party's first announced 2026 gubernatorial candidate. Beside a table of wilted iceberg lettuce bowls, Acton greeted a gaggle of mostly female supporters. A woman in her 80s, a former Republican, gushed that Acton had been 'marvelous' as pandemic health director. A woman in her 50s, an employee of a local health department, asked Acton to sign a printout of the 'Swiss Cheese Model,' a visual aid that became a hallmark of Ohio's Covid briefings. A nurse in her 30s showed Acton her Covid scrapbook. 'I feel like I didn't get this part [as health director],' Acton, now five years out from that job, told the nurse, 'getting to meet people and hear their stories.' Acton's own pandemic story is Ohio lore. A Democrat appointed by Republican Gov. Mike DeWine to lead Ohio's Department of Health, Acton joined DeWine's cabinet in February 2019, with a mandate to address health outcomes in a state still grappling with the opioid epidemic. A year later, Acton was thrust into overseeing the statewide response to a global pandemic and cultivating a national profile as a compassionate and telegenic leader who put Ohio at the forefront of proactive school closures. Ohio's first stay-at-home orders went into effect on March 23, 2020. 'Today is the day we batten down the hatches,' Acton said at the time. By mid-June, following weeks of nonstop demonstrations outside her home (which included armed protesters and signs with antisemitic symbols), the harassment of her family both in Ohio and out-of-state, and an effort to blunt her powers in the legislature, Acton resigned as health director, a decision she later said was due to political pressure to sign health orders she opposed, specifically one to allow large, maskless crowds at county fairs. Acton's current-day campaign pitch to succeed DeWine begins where she left off as health director: 'I saw under the hood during Covid. I saw how fragile our democracy is,' she tells voters. 'I'm running for governor because I refuse to look the other way while our state continues to go in the wrong direction on every measure.' There's no existing model for Acton's candidacy — she's the only Covid-era health director using that experience as a springboard to run for a top statewide office, at a time when the only sitting U.S. governor who was previously a physician is Democrat Josh Green of Hawaii. How voters ultimately assess her will offer a window into how a segment of the country has processed the pandemic and its aftermath half a decade later. The takeaways won't be definitive. Acton enters the race at a distinct disadvantage, beyond even her reputation on the right as the chief architect of the state's divisive lockdowns. Donald Trump ushered in a new conservative era in Ohio, the state responsible for making JD Vance a senator. The likely GOP nominee for governor is Vivek Ramaswamy, a MAGA celebrity from Cincinnati who has effectively cleared his own primary with endorsements from Trump and the Ohio Republican Party. Acton may not even win her own primary next May, which could feature ex-Sen. Sherrod Brown and former Rep. Tim Ryan, two of the state's most prominent Democrats. That hasn't stopped Ramaswamy from treating Acton as his opponent, calling her an 'Anthony Fauci knockoff' who 'owes an apology to every kid in Ohio for the Covid public school shutdown.' It can be hard now to imagine the Before Times, when Amy Acton and Anthony Fauci, the nation's top infectious disease doctor during the pandemic, were obscure government bureaucrats. In Acton's case, the aggressively unglamorous role of state health director was not typically seen as a launchpad for stardom or a political career. But the dark days of early Covid elevated a host of unlikely voices from the trenches of public health and medicine, including Acton, Fauci, and White House Covid coordinator Deborah Birx. Those days revealed Acton to be a compelling communicator with a knack for distilling complexity and putting Ohioans at ease — traits that, in theory, translate well to retail politics, if not for the fact that Acton's skills as a messenger also inevitably recall those excruciating times. 'This is a war on a silent enemy. I don't want you to be afraid. I am not afraid. I am determined,' Acton declared on March 22, 2020. 'All of us are going to have to sacrifice. And I know someday we'll be looking back and wondering what was it we did in this moment.' Acton was lauded far and wide that spring. 'This is why we need Acton right now — she's a guiding star in what often seems like an endless night,' a local news site editorialized, below an illustration of Acton, with her prominent cheekbones and glossy-brown beach waves, as Rosie the Riveter. The New York Times called her 'The Leader We Wish We All Had.' Glamourwondered whether she was the 'Pandemic's Most Midwestern Hero.' Little kids dressed as her in white lab coats. The intensely earnest 'Dr. Amy Acton Fan Club' emerged on Facebook and amassed over 100,000 members. Acton's fans had responded to the way she 'delivered tough truths with clarity and compassion,' Katie Paris, the founder of Red, Wine and Blue, a group that aims to engage suburban women in politics, told me. She was also ridiculed by Republicans who felt her orders amounted to overreach. One GOP lawmaker accused Acton of promoting a 'medical dictatorship.' Another agreed with his wife who accused Acton, who is Jewish, of running Ohio like Nazi Germany. 'She might be the nicest and most well-intentioned person on the planet,' Bill Seitz, the GOP House majority leader during Acton's tenure, told me. 'But people were pissed off at the extent their lives changed, in their view, for the worse, because of these restrictions.' Acton hasn't been in the public eye since the early throes of the pandemic, and she's reemerging now into a totally different world. Bitter Covid skepticism on the right has given rise to the crunchy health and wellness doctrine known as MAHA, with Robert F. Kennedy Jr., a vaccine skeptic who claims processed foods and seed oils are driving chronic illness, setting the tone as the nation's health secretary. In the years since the pandemic, trust in doctors and scientists has plummeted among members of both parties, and an increasing number of young Americans are getting their medical advice from TikTok and YouTube. In the midst of these trends, Acton will be reckoning with her own legacy and the decisions she made when so little was known about the virus. Acton is defensive of her posture back then — 'a leader's job is to give you a north star, to tell you these cold, hard facts,' she says in her stump speech, an unsubtle jab at her detractors — as well as the parasocial relationship some people have to her from the days of near-daily briefings. (That connection is 'something I'm very protective of,' Acton told me.) She's also relatively tight-lipped about DeWine — who has swatted away any notion he might cross party lines to endorse his former health director — insisting they had remained on good terms after her departure. 'The way we worked together was real,' she said. Acton acknowledges the mere fact of her candidacy dredging up Covid times can be strange and painful for some people — and may even kneecap her campaign in its infancy. 'We did overwhelm hospitals. People died during Covid from heart attacks and strokes because ambulances had nowhere to go,' Acton said, recalling one of the more nightmarish realities of that chapter. 'We haven't been honest as a country and just laid that out there. It's been too political. But we have a lot to learn from that, because we will face crises again.' 'Just hearing my voice, for some people, brings it back,' Acton told me in early April, at a park not far from her home in Bexley, where Acton arrived looking mostly like she does on TV — shoulder-length brown hair, dress, tights, ballet flats. Acton explained how at every meet-and-greet as a candidate for governor, 'somebody is crying in line … somebody is breaking down in a room. It's visceral. You don't have control over it. It just comes out.' Allyson Smith, the nurse with the Covid scrapbook in Archbold, opened up to Acton about being a contact tracer. 'I told her that I was threatened,' Smith said, thumbing open the book to a photo of her children, 2 and 4, in masks. 'It really makes me cry when I look back. It was a hard time … It was actually traumatic for people in a lot of ways.' Acton theorizes this sense of connection with her among total strangers comes from 'everybody in the world … watching the same thing at the same time, [which] led to a bond with me that's unusual. When I was trying to go back to my normal life, I realized people would come from everywhere just to see me speak. It doesn't go away.' Acton traces her empathy back to a tough childhood. Raised poor in Youngstown, Acton was always the 'smelly kid' in school. Her parents split up when she was 3, and her mother eventually remarried a man that Acton later accused of sexual abuse. The family moved a dozen times throughout her childhood and early adolescence. For nearly two years, she and her younger brother lived in a basement below a storefront where her mother sold antiques. Later, the family was homeless, sharing a tent for the winter. Acton ended up testifying about her stepfather's abuse to a grand jury, but according to Acton, he skipped town before facing charges. 'I was in the seventh grade,' she recalled, 'because I remember the feeling of new clothes and squeaky shoes walking through the courthouse.' The rest of her childhood she spent with her biological father. After high school, Acton enrolled in an accelerated medical degree program through Youngstown State University and Northeast Ohio Medical University. Acton credits her medical residency in the Bronx during the crack epidemic with her decision to pursue public health and preventive medicine. Back in Ohio, she spent most of the decade prior to her government appointment as a public health professor. Acton met DeWine through one of his aides while serving on a youth homelessness task force at the philanthropic organization where she worked as a grants manager. In Acton's retelling, she found the governor immediately 'disarming.' Acton was a pro-choice Democrat, DeWine a pro-life Republican who came up in the Bush-era GOP. Before Covid, the role of state health director was generally seen as apolitical (and non-specialized: one of Acton's predecessors was the former executive director of the Ohio Turnpike). Acton said she and DeWine were both passionate about addressing vexing health issues like the opioid epidemic and the state's below-average life expectancy. Their first joint Covid briefing was March 7, 2020. 'We know once again that there's a lot of fear, a lot of confusion out there,' Acton, wearing a white lab coat, told the press corps at the Ohio Statehouse. Two days later, Acton and DeWine signed a health order making Ohio the first state in the nation to close its schools. Almost overnight, the weekday 2 p.m. Covid pressers became appointment viewing with dedicated hashtags on a pre-Elon Musk Twitter and homemade merch. Fans praised DeWine's 'aggressive sincerity, buttressed by his endearing dorkiness,' and Acton's 'super powerful' determination and 'soothing' tone. They produced over-the-top tributes, like a cartoon of Acton and DeWine set to the theme from the '70s sitcom Laverne & Shirly. It was all part of a larger trend of prayer candles for Fauci and liberals swooning over a pre-scandal Gov. Andrew Cuomo in New York. 'You could see [the pandemic] being solved, literally, day by day, and then the rest of the time behind the scenes,' said Acton, who praised DeWine for allowing the briefings to be authentic and unscripted. DeWine was also Acton's chief defender during this time, hailing her as a 'good, compassionate and honorable person' who, in the face of intense backlash, has 'worked nonstop to save lives and protect her fellow citizens.' As neo-Nazi protesters descended on the statehouse and Acton's neighborhood, DeWine warned: 'Any complaints about the policy of this administration need to be directed at me. I am the officeholder, and I appointed the director. Ultimately, I am responsible for the decisions in regard to the coronavirus. The buck stops with me.' The governor even lauded her live on air after she resigned. 'It's true not all heroes wear capes,' DeWine said on June 11, 2020. 'Some of them do, in fact, wear a white coat, and this particular hero's white coat is embossed with the name Dr. Amy Acton.' Acton stepped down as caseloads were plateauing and calls were mounting for DeWine to loosen the reins. But Acton was uncomfortable with outsiders influencing how the state reopened, she now says. From the pandemic's onset, Acton had been the governor's top adviser on health matters and a key collaborator on health orders. 'What changed in June was the pressure to sign orders,' Acton said. 'At a certain point the orders started to feel like political pressure … industries trying to leverage their [influence] to get something through the pandemic.' The county fair order, which allowed thousands of maskless spectators, 'just made no sense to me at all … I didn't sign it,' she said. DeWine's office declined to comment on the record, but noted the fair order was introduced several days after Acton's departure. Any illusion of cozy bipartisanship was gone within a year of those early briefings. In February 2021, a reporter asked DeWine about rumors Acton was considering a U.S. Senate campaign. DeWine smirked. 'I'm going to stay out of Democrat primaries, so … no comment.' For DeWine, the price of working closely with a Democrat was a semi-serious primary in 2022. 'I could give Amy Acton a pass, simply because she was acting on the knowledge she had at the time, and she was acting on good faith,' said former Republican state Rep. John Becker. 'The governor was the guy that we in the General Assembly had the problem with.' DeWine easily won the general election, though, which the Democrats now pushing Acton's candidacy take as a positive sign. 'DeWine was rewarded by voters as having been seen as reasonable, thoughtful, careful,' said David Pepper, the former chairman of the Ohio Democratic Party. 'I think in one way we've let the negative side of Covid — the RFK wing of the world — define the response to Covid, when in fact, Mike DeWine was reelected by 25 points by moderate voters who, on another part of their ballot, voted for Tim Ryan [for Senate].' In early April, as Acton was embarking on a listening tour for her campaign, conservative Cleveland radio host Bob Frantz prodded DeWine about whether he might endorse his former health director against Ramaswamy or another Republican. 'Easiest question you've asked me,' DeWine told Frantz. 'I'm a Republican.' Facing off against Ramaswamy, Acton would be forced to answer for the many things well-intentioned public health experts got wrong at the very onset of the pandemic. We now know the virus doesn't transmit well outdoors or via surfaces, which means nobody really needed to be wiping down groceries or disinfecting the mail. There's also plenty of research now into the harmful impact of lockdowns and school closures on mental health and academics. When I asked Acton about the aspects of pandemic response that didn't age well, she argued her decision-making then was based on the best available data, while also taking into account the imperative to use stay-at-home orders sparingly. 'You don't want to do the throttle down unless absolutely your systems are collapsing,' she said. 'The best way to save the economy was to get control of the virus and be able to treat it and keep people working. So you should have had very few quarantine orders, [which are] 150-year-old powers to keep people safe.' In a statement to POLITICO Magazine, Ramaswamy senior campaign strategist Jai Chabria accused Acton, Ohio's 'Chief Lockdown Officer,' of 'keeping kids home so long they forgot what a classroom looked like. Some lost a full year of learning — and not just math and reading, but basic childhood stuff like making friends and playing sports.' Shaughnessy Naughton, the president of 314 Action, a liberal PAC supporting scientists and doctors that has endorsed Acton and is making a major push to elect doctors up and down the ballot, also conceded that lockdowns are a fraught subject. 'I think you do have to recognize that there are portions of the population that still are upset about the shutdowns, especially around schooling,' she said. With several years' hindsight, Acton still regards sweeping school closures as utterly necessary, arguing that buildings were going dark even before the state had issued orders mandating remote classrooms. 'Schools were closing already because no one was showing up,' she told me. 'Getting kids educated was the question. How do we keep kids talking to teachers? How do we get breakfast to them when they're in a food program? Those were the problems we were solving then, because it wasn't safe to be in schools. But by fall, we started to know how to open school safely.' (Acton was no longer health director when DeWine released school reopening guidelines in July, though she was technically still employed as an advisor through early August.) While many Democrats may be excited for Acton's comeback, others are more clear-eyed about their chances after endless defeats in the Trump era, including Brown's loss to Republican Bernie Moreno in November. 'I think what's unknown about her is where does she stand on all the other things,' said David Plant, the chairman of the local Democratic Party in ultra-red Defiance County. 'She's going to have to really work to define that. Because there's no doubt the Republicans will try to brand her for that.' At a deeper level, Acton has to reckon with the reality that Covid, the event that catapulted her into public consciousness, might render her an unpleasant memory for the many Ohioans who'd much rather never think about the practical reality of that time again. 'I don't think people want to hear about [Covid],' said Jim Watkins, a former director of a rural county health department. 'I hope they would not pigeonhole her with that, but that is baggage that's going to be there.' Acton realizes there are 'probably a lot of Democrats who fear I'm not electable because of Covid. They also think you're not electable because you're a woman, even though Kansas has had three women governors and Michigan is on their third almost. They'll say I'm not tough enough. Some of that was due to misunderstanding about why I stepped down.' But when problems like this arise now, Acton often reaches for one of the lessons she absorbed from Covid: 'A leader,' she said, 'has to maximize the best outcomes you can get with what you have as your reality.'

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