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JAMES CARVILLE: Too many Democrats are losing their minds over Trump. It doesn't have to be this way

JAMES CARVILLE: Too many Democrats are losing their minds over Trump. It doesn't have to be this way

Fox News12-03-2025
On Feb. 25, The New York Times published an opinion piece in which I urged Democrats to employ caution in dealing with the new incumbent administration. More specifically, I called for a "tactical pause" that would allow Democrats to "regroup, look forward and make decisions about where we want to get to over the next two years." The reaction to that piece was as depressing as it was predictable—a bicoastal condemnation.
Molly Jong-Fast, the estimable commentator, took to Vanity Fair, calling me out and calling for the Democratic Party to mount a full-court press, "making noise on TV and social media" in response to the chaos inflicted by the Trump administration. Meanwhile, on the Pacific Coast, California Democrat Gov. Gavin Newsom shared with Charlie Kirk on his new podcast, "This Is Gavin Newsom" just how much he disagrees with me.
We saw the Newsom/Jong-Fast/Green strategy in play last Tuesday night during the president's address to Congress —pink suits, paddles and dry-erase boards aplenty.
Contrast that with the Carvillian approach taken by Sen. Elissa Slotkin, D-Mich., and the responses they both solicited.
I think it's evident to anyone and everyone that Democrats' response needs to be deliberate, determined and dignified—not "The Charge of the Light Brigade."
I understand that Democrats are anxious and demanding more, but there's a thing called a calendar, and there are opportunities abound.
As I think of what's to come, I'm reminded of former British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan: "Events, my dear boy, events."
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Will Trump's new spending law make college tuition more expensive?
Will Trump's new spending law make college tuition more expensive?

USA Today

time42 minutes ago

  • USA Today

Will Trump's new spending law make college tuition more expensive?

Lending caps and Medicaid cuts in the new reconciliation law will likely raise costs for students nationwide, experts say. WASHINGTON – Vashti Trujillo was hoping to get a master's degree. But she's worried that President Donald Trump just put it out of reach. The president's massive tax and spending law is set to slash the federal student loan programs the 21-year-old junior at Colorado State University Pueblo would likely need to pay for one. Education experts also predict the legislation will put strains on the budgets of many public universities like the one Trujillo attends. That's because the law may push state legislatures to reroute funds from higher education to safety-net programs, such as Medicaid, which the spending law cuts changes could ultimately raise tuition prices for students like Trujillo – or force them to put plans for graduate school on hold to help support family members who've lost their health care. "This bill is attacking all angles of a student's life," she said. Trujillo, who is double majoring in mechatronics engineering and data analytics, is among many U.S. college students wondering whether Trump's first signature legislative achievement in his second term may raise costs for them. The unease isn't just hitting students; it's omnipresent for college administrators. Federal funding is dwindling. The supply of tuition-paying students is starting what will be a protracted decline. And the Trump administration's immigration enforcement policies have shaken the college-going prospects of international students, a population many U.S. universities need to survive. Read more: International college students bring billions to the U.S. Here's why that may change. While Trump's big spending measure stabilizes some funding streams for higher education programs, including Pell Grants, it mostly takes money away at a time when even the richest of universities are already under financial strain. In the years to come, new student loan repayment programs created by the law will raise bills for millions of borrowers. Universities will feel a need to shift more support toward graduate students and away from undergrads. Many state legislatures, meanwhile, may deprioritize support for higher education. Still, the Trump administration and Republicans in Congress are confident the new budget law will bolster college oversight and, ultimately, lower prices for students. "By establishing loan limits, the bill closes the open spigot of federal subsidies that drive up college costs and burden families," Education Secretary Linda McMahon posted on X after the Senate passed the measure. "The bill also simplifies and streamlines student loan repayment for millions of borrowers." Read more: What will student loans look like after Trump's spending bill is signed? Nathan Grawe, an economics professor at Carleton College, called the spending law "a harbinger of challenges ahead" for higher education. "Whether public or private, colleges and universities are deeply dependent on funding from a federal government, which has spent far beyond its means," he said. Ending Grad PLUS, capping Parent PLUS While they're not coming right away, big changes to the student loan system will begin to impact borrowers in 2026. Parents will soon face new limits on how much they can borrow in federal loans to finance their children's education. (The new cap is $20,000 per year per student, with a $65,000 total limit.) After July 1, 2026, there will be just two repayment programs for anyone who takes out new loans, while some plans for current borrowers will sunset in 2028. There will be new caps on graduate student borrowing, too. And the Grad PLUS program, which for decades has helped students pursue careers in medicine, law and other training-intensive careers, will be unavailable to new students. According to the Association of American Medical Colleges, about half of all medical students take out Grad PLUS loans annually, which are based almost entirely on the cost of attendance. Kim Cook, the CEO of the National College Attainment Network, a college access group, said any losses in grad students could have eventual trickle-down effects for colleges' larger financial aid budgets. For the time being, however, Cook said many college counselors are focusing this summer on clearing up widespread confusion about what the law does – and doesn't – impact. Students, she said, don't all seem to understand what forms of financial aid remain in place. "Federal student aid still exists," she said. "Pell Grants still exist." That confusion alone, she said, could prevent some students from going to college at all. Medicaid, SNAP cuts tied to college costs Arguably, the most controversial components of the new law are the reductions in major safety net programs. A roughly $1 trillion funding cut to Medicaid, which the Congressional Budget Office estimates will kick millions of Americans off their health insurance, takes effect in 2028. More than 20 million Americans will also lose some or all of their benefits through the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, or SNAP. Read more: How Trump's tax bill could cut Medicaid for millions of Americans The ripple effects of the Medicaid and food stamp provisions will reverberate across public colleges and universities. In the absence of federal funding, state legislatures will be forced to fill the gaps. As lawmakers look to balance their budgets, savings will be needed elsewhere. When that happens, funding for higher education is often the first thing on the chopping block, said Tom Harnisch, the vice president for government relations at the State Higher Education Executive Officers Association. "States are just going to have to make really difficult choices," he said. "And historically, what we've seen is that when they have to make difficult choices, higher education bears the brunt." In Colorado, state lawmakers are already shortchanging colleges' requests for money to help make up for federal funding cuts. But Trujillo, the CSU Pueblo student, doesn't have much time in between her multiple jobs to worry about that. She's the first in her family to attend college. Through Pell Grants, scholarships and state and institutional financial aid, she's managed to avoid taking out any student loans, public or private, so far. She knows a master's degree would probably lead to a higher salary in the engineering field, but the thought of potentially having to rely on private lenders to get one makes her nervous. "I'm very scared of private loans," she said. "I've heard horror stories." Zachary Schermele is an education reporter for USA TODAY. You can reach him by email at zschermele@ Follow him on X at @ZachSchermele and Bluesky at @

'Saved for a reason': How Trump's second term is full of assassination attempt reminders
'Saved for a reason': How Trump's second term is full of assassination attempt reminders

USA Today

time42 minutes ago

  • USA Today

'Saved for a reason': How Trump's second term is full of assassination attempt reminders

The tragic shooting in rural Pennsylvania lives on in Donald Trump's rhetoric, his approach to leading the country and how his followers now see him. A painting hangs in a prominent spot in the White House of his iconic fist pump. He says his right ear still throbs. Of late, President Donald Trump has been talking about being "saved by God" to carry out his political agenda. Trump's second term is full of reminders of the would-be assassin who shot the Republican in Butler, Pennsylvania, one year ago, killing a supporter at the rally before a Secret Service sniper shot and killed the gunman. It's a tragic event that lives on in his rhetoric, his approach to leading the country again and how his followers now see him. Many embrace the idea that Trump was spared for a higher purpose, and one even took the chance to recently remind him of it. "It is very hard not see the hand of Providence on his life, and on the life of our nation," said Ralph Reed, a prominent religious conservative who recounted to USA TODAY that he texted Trump after the U.S. military bombed Iran last month to share his view that the president's life was saved for that historic foreign policy moment. Trump has embarked on one of the most consequential and controversial opening stretches of any presidential term in modern memory – striking Iran's nuclear facilities, overhauling the federal government and pursuing mass deportations. Allies believe his near-death experience on July 13, 2024, has colored this approach to the presidency and made him even more motivated than the last time Trump ran the country. "When you have one of these moments, you realize every day counts … and that you need to have a profound, lasting impact," said Sean Spicer, who was the White House press secretary during Trump's first term. "And I think that's why he is so mission-driven right now." A dramatic turning point for the 2024 campaign The assassination attempt wasn't just a pivotal moment for Trump. Historians say the shooting continues to reverberate nationwide a year later. "I think it was a dramatic turning point," said presidential historian Douglas Brinkley, who described Butler as "extremely important in U.S. presidential history." He noted Trump quickly gained new support after the shooting, expanding his coalition. Trump got a political boost in the immediate aftermath of Butler, which came shortly after a disastrous debate for then-President Joe Biden, which helped force the Democratic incumbent – then 81 years old – out of the race. Republicans rallied around their wounded standard-bearer, who famously appeared at the Republican National Convention in Milwaukee two days later with a large white bandage on his ear. It quickly caught on at the GOP gathering as attendees donned ear bandages in solidarity. The shooting added to a sense among Trump supporters that he is a persecuted figure, which was fueled by the four criminal cases filed against him during the campaign. 'It sort of suddenly rang true, like, 'Holy smokes, they really are trying to get him,'" Spicer said. Musk's endorsement and how Butler is part of Trump 'lore' Billionaire Elon Musk endorsed Trump on the day of the assassination attempt, and later he appeared onstage with him when the Republican defiantly returned to Butler in October for a rally about a month before Election Day. Musk spent nearly $290 million on the 2024 campaign to help Trump and other Republican candidates, which made him the largest donor, by far, of the election cycle. Reed, founder and chairman of the Faith & Freedom Coalition, called the Butler shooting "an inflection point in the campaign." 'It made a real difference in his own supporters feeling like they needed to go the extra mile for him and leave it all on the field after he had been willing to step into the arena at the risk of his own life," Reed said. A year later, Butler has become part of Trump's "lore," Brinkley said. It will be featured in his presidential library someday. Its physical effects still linger for Trump, who talks about still experiencing a "throbbing feeling" in his ear. Another reminder of that day went on display in April on the White House State Floor. The presidential residence now features a large painting of Trump pumping his right fist in the air with blood streaked across his face after being shot. The scene captures Trump as he stood onstage, wounded, and defiantly shouted 'fight, fight, fight' into the mic before being whisked away by Secret Service agents. It instantly became an iconic image, emblazoned on T-shirts and "indelibly sealed in the American imagination forever," Brinkley said. There also is a statue depicting the moment in the Oval Office. 'I was saved by God to make America great again' As lawmakers and other dignitaries gathered in the U.S. Capitol Rotunda to launch a new administration, Trump recalled how "an assassin's bullet ripped through my ear," imbuing him with a sense of divinely ordained purpose. "I felt then, and believe even more so now, that my life was saved for a reason," Trump said in his inaugural address in January. 'I was saved by God to make America great again.' The first five months that followed in Trump's second administration have been a tumultuous time. The president has moved aggressively by pushing legal boundaries and testing the limits of executive power. Many conservatives have cheered his actions. Opponents have protested and accused Trump of acting like an authoritarian. In a statement to USA TODAY on the anniversary of the assassination attempt, White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt noted foremost the death of Corey Comperatore, the 50-year-old volunteer firefighter at the Butler rally "who selflessly laid down his life to protect those around him." "President Trump will never forget Corey and his beautiful family," Leavitt wrote, adding: "On that dark day, God spared President Trump's life by a miraculous millimeter. Now one year later, President Trump is standing stronger than ever as he continues to 'fight, fight, fight' for the American people.' Trump's 'divine right' narrative Trump's rhetoric about being saved by God to carry out his agenda plays into what Jennifer Mercieca, an expert on political rhetoric who teaches at Texas A&M University, describes as a narrative the Republican reality-TV-star-turned-politician has cultivated for years. Kings once ruled by "divine right," the professor noted, a claim that meant they were 'placed in the world by God to rule over others, as God's ambassador on Earth." "Trump has been creating his own 'Divine Right' narrative since 2015, but has especially leaned into it since the assassination attempt," Mercieca wrote in an email response to questions from USA TODAY. As he works to expand the power of the presidency in his second term, she said, "Trump's embrace of a mandate from God is rhetorical framing that, if accepted, gives Trump unlimited power." Evangelical Christians have always been an important part of Trump's base. The shooting in Butler, and Trump's deeper embrace of religious language in its aftermath, may also have special resonance for them. Politically, Brinkley said, that has allowed Trump "to be seen as some kind of avenging angel by the Evangelicals who wanted to drain Sodom and Gomorrah." Trump's allies see a leader grappling with a near-death experience − and changed by it. 'I believe it has forever impacted him," Spicer said, "in a very personal way.' Contributing: Joey Garrison

Zohran Mamdani rallied Gen Z voters. We can't abandon him now.
Zohran Mamdani rallied Gen Z voters. We can't abandon him now.

USA Today

time42 minutes ago

  • USA Today

Zohran Mamdani rallied Gen Z voters. We can't abandon him now.

New York Gen Z voters flexed our muscles to give Mamdani a primary win. Now we have to lock in and do it again in November. Back in June, New York state legislator Zohran Mamdani shocked the country by defeating former Gov. Andrew Cuomo and a crowded field of Democratic candidates in the party's New York City mayoral primary. In the process, he did something that Democrats have repeatedly failed to do: Mobilize Gen Z voters. News outlet PIX11 reported that according to the New York City Board of Elections, voters ages 25-34 had the largest turnout of any age group in the city, with 40% of early voters being under 40 years old. A quarter of these young voters, who range from young millennials to the oldest members of Generation Z, were first-time primary voters. Yet instead of studying Mamdani's success, political pundits seem to be blaming members of my generation for voting the way that they did this election. Mark Penn and Andrew Stein wrote an op-ed for The Wall Street Journal calling Gen Z the 'useful idiot generation," saying that we have been 'indoctrinated to blame capitalism.' 'We all know that you can't have just free stuff,' Penn, a former adviser to the Clintons, said in an interview on Fox News. 'That never works; it always deteriorates. But they don't have any history or knowledge.' This argument is patronizing and willfully ignorant. We aren't "indoctrinated" by our college education. We are disillusioned by the way society operates and don't believe that corporations will save us. We are unsatisfied with the income inequality that plagues the United States and are stressed about our own finances. We believe that something better is possible. Now, we must plan to show Democrats these facts come November, so that we can show Republicans next. I'm a Gen Z 'useful idiot' who wants it all to change I am one of those so-called useful idiots, a twentysomething Gen Z voter who ranked Mamdani first on my ballot back in June. I was torn between him and New York Comptroller Brad Lander up until I was in the voting booth, where I ultimately decided to go with my gut. I didn't rank Mamdani first because I wanted to fit in, or because of his social media presence. I voted for Mamdani because I believe progressive policies can make New York City a better, more equitable place. I agree with taxing corporations and the wealthiest residents to provide services to the working-class people who keep our city running. Opinion: Democrats don't need to move to the center. Mamdani proves progressives can win. I even have some experience with some of his major proposals – not in New York, another blue region of the United States, or a socialist country, but in my home state of North Carolina. I saw the benefits of a fare-free bus system in my college town. I saw that the government can operate a commercial business and still offer a range of products through state-run liquor stores. These things can be done, and they can be done effectively. I'm also aware of how government functions. I know that Mamdani will have to work with the city, state and federal governments to accomplish all of his goals, which means that many of them will either not come to fruition or be watered down by political compromises. But they'll still be better than much of what Republicans are pushing, and I realize Trump supporters are confused by the idea of a functioning government that has checks and balances. Now I need Gen Z to show up and vote in November Although Gen Z had a strong showing in the Democratic primary, we have to stay focused on November if we truly want to see Mamdani elected mayor. Our summer support for Mamdani will be meaningless if he loses in the fall. The stakes are high for the general election, just like they were in the primary. Cuomo is likely running again as an independent; incumbent Mayor Eric Adams, who has been increasingly friendly toward President Donald Trump, will be in the mix as well. Opinion: Republicans hurt rural Americans with their beautiful bill. Then they clapped. We want to be taken seriously as a voting bloc, and I believe we can be so long as we turn out to vote once again for Mamdani. This will also prove to Democrats that the party's best option is to move further left, not in a superficial way, like Kamala Harris' presidential campaign, but in policy. Mamdani still has work to do on behalf of Gen Z Of course, Mamdani still has work to do among Gen Z New Yorkers. Winning the Democratic primary does not guarantee him Gracie Mansion; he will have to maintain the momentum among the young cohort of voters who selected him. He can do this by continuing the campaign strategy that won him favor with Gen Z in the first place: by focusing on peer-to-peer interactions both in person and online. He must bring his message to all of New York City's boroughs and cut through the bipartisan attacks against him. Gen Z voted for Mamdani because we believe in what he has to offer. We don't need to be treated like children for believing that New York City could be a better place for our working-class neighbors. You may not like Mamdani; you may even believe his views are dangerous. You can't deny, however, that he has managed to accomplish something Democrats failed to do in the last presidential election, and that Gen Z wants to see bolder, progressive ideas from the Democratic Party. Follow USA TODAY columnist Sara Pequeño on X, formerly Twitter, @sara__pequeno

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