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Clash over Florida's Black history museum location returns

Clash over Florida's Black history museum location returns

Politico12-02-2025
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Good morning and welcome to Wednesday.
State lawmakers are ready to take another step toward creating the first-ever Florida Museum of Black History. But there's emerging disagreement about its location.
A task force that met last year recommended building the museum in West Augustine, on the previous site of Florida Memorial University and in an area with Civil Rights movement significance. State Sen. TOM LEEK (R-Ormond Beach) introduced a bill this month to create a 13-member governing board that would kick off planning and development, then construction, in St. Johns County where West Augustine is. He paired it with an opening $2 million funding request.
'Having a Black History Museum is important, because Black history is our history,' Leek told Playbook. 'It's a part of who we are, the story that Florida tells.'
But not everyone is on board with that location, reviving a tug of war that began last year. State Rep. BRUCE ANTONE (D-Orlando) is introducing a bill this week that will call for the museum to be built in Eatonville, one of the oldest incorporated Black municipalities in the U.S. and a location he called for at a panel meeting. He contends, among other things, that the voting results on the location last year were skewed because a bulk of the panel was from the area around St. Augustine.
Antone told Playbook it would be a 'disservice' to Black history to build the museum in West Augustine, citing the city's small population — and a demographic that is 4 percent Black. He further argued the museum would drive more foot traffic near Orlando. He said he wants the museum to be 'comprehensive' and to celebrate progress on race relations, highlighting 'how black folks are an integral part of the fabric of the state of Florida.'
'The idea was to build a high quality, large Black history museum,' he said. 'What we ended up with in the recommendations is an unknown entity museum. … I just think this needs to be done right.'
Antone said he met with other Black state lawmakers last week and that they agreed West Augustine was the wrong location, though some told him they'd rather have the museum in Opa-locka. Antone likened building a museum in West Augustine to 'taking a museum and putting it in the back corner of the garage and putting it up on a high shelf where you can't get to it.'
Leek said many locations would have been appropriate for a Florida Black history museum but maintains that West Augustine is the 'perfect location,' saying it was his job to implement what the panel decided and that a legislative override would be unusual. St. Augustine is the oldest city in the U.S., bringing in tourists who have a penchant for history, he added. 'This is the spot,' Leek said, noting the 6-1 vote on the matter. 'There's no doubt about that.'
The rival bills will likely lead to a robust debate over the best way to proceed. Florida has already served as a flashpoint for race policy, including how Black history is taught in classrooms and how race relations are addressed in the workplace.
But Antone said he wasn't concerned about that tension, pointing out that Gov. RON DESANTIS had signed the bill to create the museum task force in the first place. He was likewise 'encouraged' that the governor signed his bill making Tuskegee Airmen Commemoration Day an official holiday into law. It was worth asking the legislature to weigh the location, he insisted, because 'if you don't ask, you don't get.'
WHERE'S RON? Gov. DeSantis is doing a press conference in Miami Beach at 9:30 a.m.
Have a tip, story, suggestion, birthday, anniversary, new job, or any other nugget that Playbook should look at? Get in touch at: kleonard@politico.com
... DATELINE TALLAHASSEE ...
NEW ERA? — 'Florida's immigration battle may be over soon. But will Republicans' good times last?' by POLITICO's Gary Fineout and Isa Domínguez. 'The standoff between the Florida Legislature and DeSantis over illegal immigration may be coming to a close. But a new era for the state's governing party is just beginning.
'Despite a contentious intraparty civil war that turned hostile at times online, Republican legislative leaders and the governor crafted a sweeping new proposal behind closed doors that aims to help President Donald Trump carry out his massive deportation effort.
'This type of compromise negotiation had fallen out of fashion in Florida recently, as DeSantis enjoyed unprecedented sway and was able to push legislators to follow his lead. The question now is whether it will continue — and how it will shape the upcoming legislative session, where DeSantis has both budget recommendations and additional high-profile policy pushes on the line.'
— CBS News Miami's Jim DeFede's analysis: 'Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis backs down on immigration.'
CONFIRMATION IN QUESTION? The Florida Jewish legislative caucus raised 'deep concerns' Tuesday about the pending confirmation of a controversial professor DeSantis appointed to University of West Florida over his 'history of antisemitic and misogynistic rhetoric.'
The group of lawmakers urged DeSantis to reconsider his appointment of SCOTT YENOR, a Boise State University political science professor with ties to national conservative think tanks, who was recently chosen as trustees chair at UWF.
State Sen. RANDY FINE, a Melbourne Republican, claims that Yenor 'publicly questioned whether Jews elected to the United States Senate could be qualified for 'national leadership,'' an accusation apparently based on recent social media posts.
'Allowing individuals with a track record of divisive and prejudiced remarks to hold positions of influence within our institutions undermines that mission and erodes public trust,' the Florida Jewish legislative caucus wrote in a statement.
Yenor, though, has his defenders. Israeli American philosopher and scholar Yoram Hazony contends that Yenor 'has nothing to do with anti-Semitism, nor is he anti-Israel.'
'In fact, I was expecting the left to attack his appointment because he's so pro-Jewish,' Hazony wrote on social media Tuesday.
Yenor's appointment is subject to confirmation from the state Senate, which is expected to consider his nomination in two committees before it heads to the full chamber.
— Andrew Atterbury
FLAG FIGHT — 'Florida Senate Republicans introduced legislation Monday that would ban government buildings, including schools, from flying flags that show support for any political message or figure, such as LBGTQ pride, Black Lives Matter and even Trump,' reports POLITICO's Andrew Atterbury.
'The bill, which passed its initial committee hearing along party lines, reignites an idea that was taken up by the Legislature last year but ultimately stalled in the state Senate, making Monday's vote a significant development. Democrats joined LGBTQ+ rights advocates in opposing the proposal, labeling it as 'unnecessary' and 'hurtful.''
PARKS PROTECTION — Sen. GAYLE HARRELL (R-Stuart), the sponsor of a bill that would bar golf courses, lodges and other recreational facilities from state parks, told POLITICO's Bruce Ritchie she's open to changing the legislation — to a point. The bill advanced Tuesday in the Committee on Environment and Natural Resources and will face two other committees before it reaches the Senate floor.
'I want to make sure we are protecting our parks,' she said. 'But I also want to make sure we're not moving to the point we can't do anything in our parks. There is a balance.'
MARLA MAPLES AT THE CAPITOL — Actress and health advocate MARLA MAPLES, who was married to Trump from 1993 to 1999, was at the state Capitol on Tuesday calling for a state investigation on reports of so-called 'chem trails.'
Maples, who lives in West Palm Beach, was supporting a bill, FL SB 56 (25R), which prohibits weather-modification activities, including the injection of chemicals into the atmosphere.
Democrats on the Senate Committee on Environment and Natural Resources expressed skepticism about the chemtrails conspiracy theory and repeatedly asked bill supporters who could be spraying chemicals. Maples said Tennessee recently passed similar legislation and is looking into the source of such activities.
'Because atmosphere is obviously not state-centric, do you know anyone in the federal government who may be able to help with this problem?' state Sen. TINA POLSKY, a Democrat from Boca Raton, asked Maples while chuckling.
'I sure do, and believe [me that] I will do everything I can — this is my soul,' Maples replied.
'Well, you know how to get to the top,' Polsky responded. The committee voted 8-3 along party lines to advance the bill.
— Bruce Ritchie
NURSE SHORTAGE — 'Florida nursing school graduates ranked last in the nation for first-time pass rates on the national licensing exam in 2024, leaving the state vulnerable as its population ages,' reports Cindy Krischer Goodman of the South Florida Sun Sentinel. Despite having the most test-takers in the country, only 89.4 percent of graduates passed, compared to the national average of 91.6 percent.
CITRUS GREENING CURE — Over the past 20 years, hurricanes, real estate development and citrus greening have contributed to a 90-percent citrus industry decline, but Agriculture Commissioner WILTON SIMPSON thinks there is still hope for recovery, reports the Florida Phoenix's Jay Waagmeester. Researchers have genetically modified trees to kill baby psyllids — insects responsible for infecting the trees — using a protein toxic to the bug, and MATT JOYNER, CEO of Florida Citrus Mutual, is pushing for the trees' replacement.
LEGISLATION ROUNDUP — State Sen. NICK DICEGLIE (R-Indian Rocks Beach) filed a bill that would scrub references to the 'Gulf of Mexico' in state laws and change them to the 'Gulf of America,' reports News Service of Florida. ... State Sen. DON GAETZ (R-Crestview) and state Rep. ALEX ANDRADE filed legislation requiring property insurers to pay customers who've faced losses quickly and provide more transparency about rate increases, reports Florida Politics' Andrew Powell.
CAMPAIGN MODE
DON'T FORGET — With special and municipal elections coming up, Florida voters who plan to vote by mail have to request ballots for every general election, reports C. A. Bridges of USA TODAY NETWORK — Florida. Requests for ballots to be mailed must be made no later than 5 p.m., 12 days before an election.
DATELINE D.C.
END OF REMOTE WORK — 'Trump is making good on his campaign pledge to 'dismantle the deep state,' with a return-to-office mandate and resignation program designed to reduce the ranks of the federal workforce. He's directed much of his ire at federal offices in Washington, D.C. and has promised to move some out of the nation's capital.
'But four-fifths of federal workers already live outside the D.C. area. About 94,000 of them call Florida home,' reports Shauna Muckle of the Tampa Bay Times.
LUNA TO LEAD DECLASSIFICATION TASK FORCE — 'Rep. Anna Paulina Luna, R-Fla., will lead a new task force focused on the declassification of federal secrets — including records related to the assassinations of former President John F. Kennedy Jr., Sen. Robert F. Kennedy and Dr. Martin Luther King, and other documents in the public interest,' reports Fox News' Brooke Singman.
ODDS, ENDS AND FLORIDA MEN
— 'Roses are red, violets are blue, 940 million flowers are traveling (through Miami) to you,' by David Fischer of The Associated Press.
BIRTHDAYS: Former state Sen. Jeff Brandes, now president at Florida Policy Project … Axios' Marc Caputo … Gil Ziffer, former Tallahassee city commissioner.
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In race to replace Fernandes Anderson, District 7 candidates debate housing affordability, reparations during forum
In race to replace Fernandes Anderson, District 7 candidates debate housing affordability, reparations during forum

Boston Globe

timean hour ago

  • Boston Globe

In race to replace Fernandes Anderson, District 7 candidates debate housing affordability, reparations during forum

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Byron Black executed for triple murder despite concerns of disabilities, heart device
Byron Black executed for triple murder despite concerns of disabilities, heart device

USA Today

time2 hours ago

  • USA Today

Byron Black executed for triple murder despite concerns of disabilities, heart device

The execution came after Tennessee Gov. Bill Lee declined requests, including from some Republicans, to intervene because of the inmate's intellectual disabilities and heart device. Tennessee has executed a man for the 1988 murder of his girlfriend and her two young daughters despite arguments he suffered from intellectual disabilities and concerns his heart device would shock him back to life during the lethal injection. The state executed Byron Black on Tuesday, Aug. 5, after Gov. Bill Lee declined requests from attorneys, advocacy groups and even some Republicans to intervene. He was pronounced dead at 10:43 a.m. CT. "This is hurting so bad," Black said during the execution, according to news media witnesses who saw him die. On March 28, 1988, Angela Clay and her eldest daughter, 9-year-old Latoya, were found shot dead in bed. Clay's other daughter, 6-year-old Lakeisha, was found dead on the floor in another bedroom with multiple gunshot wounds. Black became the 28th inmate executed in the U.S. this year, a 10-year high, with at least nine more executions scheduled. He's the second inmate to be put to death in Tennessee this year after a five-year break in executions in the state. Black's case stands out for two reasons. What his legal team said was an "undisputed intellectual disability" had many calling for a reprieve, including some Republicans. And his attorneys raised serious questions about whether Black's implanted heart device would cause "a prolonged and torturous execution" in violation of the U.S. Constitution. Tennessee Attorney General Jonathan Skrmetti told USA TODAY in a statement that expert testimony "refutes the suggestion that Black would suffer severe pain if executed" and that the state was seeking "to hold Black accountable for his horrific crimes." Here's what you need to know about the execution, the crime and the issues surrounding the case. What was Byron Black convicted of? Black was convicted of fatally shooting his girlfriend, Angela Clay, and her two daughters: 9-year-old Latoya and 6-year-old Lakeisha. They were murdered on March 27, 1988. At the time, Black had been on work release from prison for shooting Clay's estranged husband and her daughters' father, Bennie Clay, in 1986. Prosecutors told jurors at trial that Black killed Angela Clay because he was jealous of her ongoing relationship with her ex. Investigators believe that Angela Clay and Latoya were shot as they slept, while Lakeisha appeared to have tried to escape after being wounded in the chest and pelvis. Bennie Clay previously told The Tennessean, part of the USA TODAY Network, he believes Black killed the girls to spite him. "My kids, they were babies," he told the newspaper. "They were smart, they were gonna be something. They never got the chance." More recently, he told The Tennessean he planned to attend the execution, though he said he has forgiven Black. 'God has a plan for everything,' he told the newspaper. 'He had a plan when he took my girls. He needed them more than I did, I guess.' Judge ordered Byron Black's heart device removed before execution On July 22, a judge ordered that a heart device implanted in Black needed to be removed at a hospital the morning of his execution, a development that appeared to complicate matters as a Nashville hospital declined to participate. But the Tennessee Supreme Court overturned the judge's order, and the U.S. Supreme Court backed that up, clearing the way for Black to be executed despite the heart device. His attorneys argued that the device, designed to revive the heart, could lead to "a prolonged and torturous execution." "It's horrifying to think about this frail old man being shocked over and over as the device attempts to restore his heart's rhythm even as the State works to kill him," Henry said in a statement. The state argued that Black's heart device would not cause him pain. Robin, Maher, executive director of the nonprofit Death Penalty Information Center, told USA TODAY that an inmate being executed with a defibrillator implant was "a completely unprecedented issue." But, she added, "one I fear we will see again as states move toward executing aging prisoners on death row." A reporter for The Tennessean was among the witnesses to the execution and USA TODAY will update this story with her observations. Tennessee governor declined to intervene With their arguments over Black's heart device at the end of the legal road, his attorneys re-focused their attention on his intellectual disabilities during his final days and hours, calling on Republican Tennessee Gov. Bill Lee to stop the execution and prevent "a grotesque spectacle." Citing Fetal Alcohol Syndrome and exposure to toxic lead, Black's attorneys said mental impairments meant that he always had to live with and rely on family. More recently on death row, his attorneys said that other inmates had to "do his everyday tasks for him, including cleaning his cell, doing his laundry, and microwaving his food." "If ever a case called for the Governor to grant clemency or, at the very least, a reprieve, it is this one," Henry said in a statement. The director of Tennessee Conservatives Concerned About the Death Penalty said that she supports accountability for people who commit heinous crimes, but "the law is clear that we do not execute people with intellectual disability." "Governor Lee can insist on accountability while ensuring that the law is also followed. A situation such as this is exactly why governors have clemency power," Jasmine Woodson said in a statement. "Mr. Black has spent over three decades in prison for this crime and will never be released. As a conservative, I believe that he should remain behind bars, but he should not be executed." Lee's office did not respond to repeated requests for comment from USA TODAY. In his statement to USA TODAY, Attorney General Skrmetti pushed back at findings that Black was intellectually disabled and said that "over the decades, courts have uniformly denied Black's eleven distinct attempts to overturn his murder convictions and death sentence." Angela Clay's family long sought justice Earlier this year, Angela Clay's sister, Linette Bell, told The Tennessean she and her family were frustrated with years of delays, court hearings, and uncertainty: "He needs to pay for what he did." Angela Clay's mother, Marie Bell, told The Tennessean she had been waiting far too long. "I'm 88 years old and I just want to see it before I leave this Earth," she said. Outside the prison ahead of the execution on Tuesday, Angela Clay's niece, Nicoule Davis, told The Tennessean "it's time for a celebration." "It's time for a celebration," Davis said. "We've been waiting for years and years." Family members, some of whom witnessed the execution, were expected to address reporters afterward, and this story will be updated with their comments. What was Byron Black's last meal? Black's last meal was pizza with mushrooms and sausage, donuts, and butter pecan ice cream. Byron Black's execution is second in the state this year Black is the second inmate to be executed in Tennessee this year following a five-year break in the death penalty in the state. The break followed an independent review that found the Tennessee Department of Corrections was not consistently testing execution drugs for potency and purity. Nationwide, nine more executions are scheduled for this year, with more expected to be carried out as governors sign more death warrants. The next execution is Kayle Barrington Bates in Florida on Aug. 19 for the 1982 stabbing death of a 24-year-old woman named Janet White, who was kidnapped from her office and taken to the woods before Bates beat her, tried to rape her and ultimately killed her. Contributing: Kelly Puente, The Tennessean Amanda Lee Myers is a senior crime reporter for USA TODAY. Follow her on X at @amandaleeusat.

The Supreme Court just revealed its plan to make gerrymandering even worse
The Supreme Court just revealed its plan to make gerrymandering even worse

Yahoo

time3 hours ago

  • Yahoo

The Supreme Court just revealed its plan to make gerrymandering even worse

One of the biggest mysteries that has emerged from the Trump-era Supreme Court is the 2023 decision in Allen v. Milligan. In Milligan, two of the Republican justices — Chief Justice John Roberts and Justice Brett Kavanaugh — voted with the Court's Democratic minority to strike down Alabama's racially gerrymandered congressional maps, ordering the state to redraw those maps to include an additional district with a Black majority. As Roberts emphasized in his opinion for the Court in Milligan, a lower court that also struck down these maps 'faithfully applied our precedents.' But the Roberts Court frequently overrules or ignores precedents that interpret the Voting Rights Act — the federal law at issue in Milligan — to do more than block the most egregious forms of Jim Crow-like voter suppression. And the Court's Republican majority is normally hostile to lawsuits challenging gerrymanders of any kind. Most notably, in Rucho v. Common Cause (2019), the Republican justices held that federal courts may not hear suits challenging partisan gerrymanders. Among other things, Rucho enables tactics like Texas Republicans' current plans to redraw that state's congressional maps to maximize GOP power in Congress. So why did two Republican justices break with their previous skepticism of gerrymandering suits in the Milligan case? A new order that the Supreme Court handed down Friday evening appears to answer that question. The new order, in a case known as Louisiana v. Callais, suggests that the Court's decision in Milligan was merely a minor detour, and that Roberts and Kavanaugh's votes in Milligan were largely driven by unwise legal decisions by Alabama's lawyers. The legal issues in the Callais case are virtually identical to the ones presented in Milligan, but the Court's new order indicates it is likely to use Callais to strike down the Voting Rights Act's safeguards against gerrymandering altogether. The Callais order, in other words, doesn't simply suggest that Milligan was a one-off decision that is unlikely to be repeated. It also suggests that the Court's Republican majority will resume its laissez-faire approach to gerrymandering, just as the redistricting wars appear to be heating up. A brief history of the Supreme Court's approach to gerrymandering Broadly speaking, there are two kinds of lawsuits alleging that a legislative map is illegally gerrymandered. Partisan gerrymandering suits claim that a map was drawn to maximize one major political party's power at the expense of the other. Racial gerrymandering suits, meanwhile, allege that a state's legislative maps improperly dilute the voting power of voters of a particular race. Prior to Rucho, the Court imposed minimal — but not entirely nonexistent — limits on partisan gerrymandering. It has historically been more aggressive in policing racial gerrymanders. The Supreme Court held in Davis v. Bandemer (1986) that federal courts may hear claims alleging that a state's maps are so egregiously partisan that they amount to unconstitutional discrimination. The idea is that maps that intentionally inflate Democratic voters' power, while minimizing Republican voters' power (or vice-versa) violate the Constitution's guarantee that all voters should have an equal say in elections. Notably, however, no five justices agreed to a single legal standard that would allow courts to determine which maps are illegal partisan gerrymanders in Davis. Nor did a majority of the Court set such a standard in later lawsuits challenging partisan gerrymanders. In Rucho, the Republican justices essentially announced that the Court would give up its quest to find such a standard. A few years later, in Alexander v. NAACP (2024), those justices went even further, declaring that 'as far as the Federal Constitution is concerned, a legislature may pursue partisan ends when it engages in redistricting.' Though Davis's limits on partisan gerrymandering were always fuzzy, it is likely that this ambiguity deterred at least some states from enacting extreme gerrymanders that might have caused the courts to intervene. At the very least, Rucho changed how states litigate gerrymandering suits. Before Rucho, states accused of gerrymandering would often try to offer another explanation for why their maps benefited one party or the other. Now, they will openly state in their briefs that they drew maps for partisan reasons — confident that federal judges will do nothing, despite these confessions. Historically, however, the Court has imposed more concrete limits on racial gerrymanders. In Milligan, for example, the Court struck down Alabama congressional maps that would have given Black voters a majority in just one of the state's seven districts (or 14 percent of the districts), despite the fact that Black people make up about 27 percent of the state's population. The Court ordered the state to draw new maps with two Black-majority districts. The linchpin of Milligan and similar cases is the Court's decision in Thornburg v. Gingles (1986), which laid out the rules governing when an alleged racial gerrymander violates the Voting Rights Act (which broadly prohibits race discrimination in elections). The framework laid out in Gingles is notoriously complicated, but it turns on whether voters in a particular state vote in racially cohesive blocs. Thus, for example, in a state where the white majority supports Republicans nearly all of the time, while the Black minority supports Democrats nearly all of the time, Gingles sometimes requires courts to redraw the state's maps to ensure that the Black minority is adequately represented. This is because, in such a state, the white majority can wield its near-unanimous support for Republicans to cut Black voters (and Democrats) out of power altogether. In a different state, where both Black and white voters sometimes vote for either party, Gingles tells courts to stay out of redistricting. Black voters, after all, are United States citizens who have as much of a right to choose their leaders as anyone else. So, if they choose to be represented by a white Republican in a free and fair election, that's their choice and the courts should honor it. Because Gingles only kicks in when an electorate's racial demographics closely match its partisan voting patterns, it places some practical limits on both partisan and racial gerrymandering. In Milligan, for example, Alabama was not able to draw maps that maximized Republican voting power because doing so required the state to dilute Black voting power. So, even though Rucho prevents lawsuits that challenge partisan gerrymandering directly, Gingles sometimes allows suits which target it indirectly by alleging that a partisan gerrymander is also an impermissible racial gerrymander. But now the Court is signaling that it is likely to overrule Gingles and abolish suits alleging that racial gerrymanders violate the Voting Rights Act altogether. So what's the deal with the Court's new order in Callais? The Callais case is virtually identical to Milligan — indeed, the cases are so similar that Louisiana said in a brief to the justices that Callais 'presents the same question' as the Alabama redistricting case. Before the Callais case reached the justices, a lower court determined that Louisiana's congressional maps violate Gingles, and ordered the state to draw an additional Black-majority district. Nevertheless, when the Supreme Court heard oral arguments in Callais last March, all six of the Republican justices appeared to disagree with this lower court's decision — although the lower court's decision merely applied the same legal rules that the Supreme Court applied two years earlier in Milligan. Then, at the end of June, the Court issued a brief order announcing that it would hold an unusual second oral argument in Callais, and that it would seek additional briefing from the parties in this case. On Friday, the Court issued a new order laying out what these parties should address in those briefs. Those briefs should examine whether the lower court order requiring Louisiana to draw an additional Black-majority district 'violates the Fourteenth or Fifteenth Amendments to the U.S. Constitution.' The justices, in other words, want briefing on whether Gingles — and the Voting Rights Act's safeguards against racial gerrymandering more broadly — are unconstitutional. This suggestion that the Voting Rights Act may be unconstitutional — or, at least, that it violates the Republican justices' vision of the Constitution — should not surprise anyone who has followed the Court's voting rights cases. In Shelby County v. Holder (2013), the Republican justices neutralized a different provision of the Voting Rights Act, which required states with a history of racist election practices to 'preclear' new election laws with federal officials before they take effect. The Court's Republican majority labeled this provision 'strong medicine' that could be justified to combat the kind of widespread racial voting discrimination that existed during Jim Crow. But they argued that the United States was not racist enough in 2013 to justify letting preclearance remain in place. 'There is no denying,' Roberts wrote for the Court in Shelby County, 'that the conditions that originally justified these measures no longer characterize voting in the covered jurisdictions.' Although Kavanaugh joined nearly all of the majority opinion in Milligan, he also wrote a separate opinion indicating that he wanted to extend Shelby County to gerrymandering cases in a future ruling. 'Even if Congress in 1982 could constitutionally authorize race-based redistricting under [the Voting Rights Act] for some period of time,' Kavanaugh wrote, 'the authority to conduct race-based redistricting cannot extend indefinitely into the future.' Gingles also suggests that Voting Rights Act suits challenging racial gerrymanders should eventually cease to exist. If the electorate ceases to be racially polarized — something that appears to be slowly happening — then Gingles plaintiffs will no longer be able to win cases, and the federal judiciary's role in redistricting will diminish. But Kavanaugh seems to be impatient to end these suits while many states remain racially polarized. Read in the context of Kavanaugh's Milligan opinion, in other words, the new Callais order suggests that a majority of the justices have decided the Voting Rights Act's safeguards against racial gerrymandering have reached their expiration date, and they are looking for arguments to justify striking them down. It now looks like Milligan was Gingles's last gasp. The Republican justices remain hostile both to the Voting Rights Act and toward gerrymandering suits more broadly. And they appear very likely to use Callais to remove one of the few remaining safeguards against gerrymanders.

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