Dale's Donuts in LA permanently closed due to riot-linked car fire? Here's the truth
Several X users fact-checked the claim, saying the iconic shop actually shuttered in 2021. One user wrote, 'Once again, this shi*** 'News' account spreads lies and nonsense. Dale's Donuts in Compton (at 15904 S. Atlantic Ave) permanently closed in October 2021. That's when the iconic 'Big Donut' drive-in shut its doors after more than 70 years in operation.. NOT BECAUSE OF 'Anti-ICE Protests' Clown.'
Another X user slammed those 'spreading lies and nonsense' about the store closure.
It does appear that Dale's Donut in Compton, Los Angeles, has not been operating since 2021. Yelp reviews from this year show that the shop is out of business. Even though the restaurant was featured in the Super Bowl Halftime show in 2022, it had been closed for some time prior to that, according to the Los Angeles Times.
Meanwhile, protests have flared up in Los Angeles, with Donald Trump suggesting that the troops be brought in. In another Truth Social post, the President stated that Los Angeles 'has been invaded and occupied by Illegal Aliens and Criminals.'
'Now violent, insurrectionist mobs are swarming and attacking our Federal Agents to try and stop our deportation operations — But these lawless riots only strengthen our resolve. I am directing Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem, Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth, and Attorney General Pam Bondi, in coordination with all other relevant Departments and Agencies, to take all such action necessary to liberate Los Angeles from the Migrant Invasion, and put an end to these Migrant riots. Order will be restored, the Illegals will be expelled, and Los Angeles will be set free. Thank you for your attention to this matter!' Trump wrote.
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Time of India
30 minutes ago
- Time of India
US, China and Russia: Navigating the superpower trilemma
Today, Indian foreign policy discourse is mired in an important debate. Two key assumptions govern this debate: that New Delhi's ties with the US arguably constitute its most important relationship in the 21st century, and that any negotiations with Beijing are a signal of weakness. India-US relations are undergoing a tense phase. The tensions have primarily been instigated by US President Donald Trump's decision to impose a 25% tariff on India, and an additional, 'unspecified penalty' for continuing to buy energy resources from Russia. His social media comments have gone so far as to refer to both India and Russia as 'dead economies.' Naturally, this has called into question the time-tested nature of the partnership in the face of the 'China challenge'. With the US-China equation changing, India has to balance ties with both as well as work towards its own national interests Speaking of China, after a long period of severed dialogue, postures on both sides have slightly relaxed, though the road to stability vis-à-vis the border issue, or even China's backing of Pakistan, is long and winding. Nonetheless, communication and negotiation between the two neighbours is underway, and is perhaps a welcome break from the silent-but-violent treatment. Besides the volatility in New Delhi's ties with the two superpowers, there exists a bilateral dynamic between the US and China, which vitally impacts India. An intense back-and-forth of escalating tariffs ensued between the two economic giants earlier this year. Yet, Trump's recent statements seem to suggest that a trade deal with Beijing is in the works. So how does that affect India? So far, India has believed that Trump's continued dissatisfaction with Beijing will be a core aspect of mutual convergence between itself and the US. This definitely was the case under the Joe Biden administration. But if anything is certain about Trump, it is that nothing, indeed, is certain. So, the US and China may not be entering a friendly phase, but they sure are inching toward some semblance of stability. The dynamics of this fateful triangle require that India think in its national interests— sustained economic growth and security of its territory from both external and internal threats. And as PM Modi himself remarked in an interview in 2023, '[The] foremost guiding principle in foreign affairs is our country's national interest.' This begs the question: How should New Delhi balance the nuances of its ties with the US and China and the repercussions of their own thaw, while working to achieve its national interests? One way is not to believe that negotiations with China signal weakness. This anxiety is likely to play up as New Delhi and Beijing negotiate. Most recently, India has eased tourism rules, while China has opened up access for Indians to undertake the Kailash Mansarovar Yatra. To a great degree, India's geographical, economic and military constraints require that communication with Beijing continue for sustainable security to be achieved. This is not to say that India should give up its confident posture, or discontinue investments in de-risking or border security. It is also not a call for it to shed its affinity for the US. But the steps toward a thaw with Beijing — high-level political conversations, ministerial-level dialogues, and working mechanism consultations on the border — are necessary. And at a time when Trump seems to be prepared to meet the 'China challenge' alone, India must figure its own way out to do the same. Second, is to evaluate costs when it comes to fulfilling its energy requirements through purchases from Russia. The affordability of such purchases, and the historic nature of ties with Moscow (especially in defence), make it a vital partner to New Delhi. However, Trump is prioritising reciprocal access to the Indian market over having a vital partner in the Indo-Pacific. And in a world where the US is vastly more powerful than India — or in most aspects, even China — much of what Trump says, goes. So the question is, where is the common ground between India not shedding its friendship with Russia, not risking insurmountable tariffs from the US, and not enabling China's unchecked regional power? The intertwined interests of economic growth and stable security seem orthogonal in this situation. But it is important to face facts. If it wasn't buying oil from Russia, India would still get the tariff slap. If there was great openness in the Indian dairy and agricultural markets, which Trump consistently demands, there would still be an 'unspecified penalty' for trading with Russia. So, the acknowledgement that there is no absolute win-win, is essential. It boils down to assessing what is more harmful — not making any adjustments to the trade numbers with Russia, or the US. It is also important to acknowledge the trade-offs — if there is a significant reduction in the imports of oil and/or defence equipment from Russia, and the US becomes the preferred alternative source of imports, Moscow may become unabashed in its support for China in its disputes with India. If trade with Russia continues as is, India shall face agonistic tariffs under Donald Trump and an overall lack of support in regional geopolitics. It is indeed true that India's tariffs continue to remain high, market openness is low, and domestic innovation and production capability face challenges. Hence, is the first step to addressing the above mentioned dilemma to take difficult steps towards phased openness? Most likely. It may assuage Trump's concerns about the US's trade deficit, without creating many troubles in India-Russia relations. Finally, the worrisome trend of self-reliance across the globe is leaving fewer alternatives for India to replace its dependencies on the US, China, or Russia. Where it gets affordable imports, it faces controversial dilemmas. Where it sees a strong partner, it faces chiding and deriding. So, moving forward, even as the willingness to negotiate diplomatically must continue, India must invest in its own trajectory toward economic and military modernisation. Illustration credit: Illustration by Chad Crowe (USA) Facebook Twitter Linkedin Email Disclaimer Views expressed above are the author's own.
Time of India
an hour ago
- Time of India
Trumped: Indian basmati may lose out to Pak, as 25% tariff gives neighbour 6% edge
1 2 Amritsar: US President Donald Trump's 25% tariff on all things Indian has dealt a double blow to Indian basmati exporters. Not only does it give Pakistan basmati a 6% tariff advantage, but it also comes at a time when the India-UK Free Trade Agreement talks offered no relief for basmati. US tariff on Pakistan stands at 19%. This widened gap threatens India's competitiveness against its traditional rival in international markets. "Pakistan has already got the 6% edge, which will make it difficult for us (Indian basmati exporters) to compete in the international market," said Tejinder Singh, CEO of Amar Singh Chawla Wala, makers of the Lal Qila basmati brand. "It makes it tough for us to compete globally, erasing any level playing field," he said. The US hardly consumes more than 10% of the basmati that is cultivated and exported from Punjab, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, and Rajasthan, he said. But the 6% gap is "significant" in commodity trade and is likely to drive up prices for consumers abroad as Indian exporters will struggle to maintain market share against their traditional rival, he pointed out. Indian basmati trade was on the upswing till now. India exported 52.4 lakh metric tons of basmati, compared to 5.45 lakh metric tons by Pakistan in the 2023-24 fiscal. In 2024-25, Indian exports rose to 60.7 lakh metric tons, while Pakistan's saw a nominal increase, said Taranjit. The 25% traffic may prove to be a speedbreaker. Arvinderpal Singh, president of Punjab Rice Miller Exporters Association, said that the imposition of a 25% tariff by US will have a widespread impact — from growers to consumers. "We are directly competing with Pakistan, and they will be in a position to supply at lower rates than Indian exporters due to the lower tariff," he pointed out, adding that consumer nations are likely to opt for Pakistani basmati, with Thailand as the second preference. "If our sales decline, we will have to reduce our purchases, which will ultimately affect farmers, and they too will bear the brunt," he said. Singh suggested that the Indian govt should urge US administration to reduce the tariff on basmati, or at least ensure a level playing field with Pakistan so that Indian exporters can compete fairly in the international market. Taranjit said that Indian basmati exporters are already suffering with no relief in the India-UK Free Trade Agreement, and the recent imposition of a 25% tariff by the US will only leave a lasting impact on the Indian basmati rice exports. Get the latest lifestyle updates on Times of India, along with Friendship Day wishes , messages and quotes !
Indian Express
an hour ago
- Indian Express
Kal Penn at Express Adda: ‘In content creation, people taking fewer risks… It (art) needs to be subjective'
Talking about his nearly three decade-long career in Hollywood, Kal Penn, American actor-producer of Indian origin, said that he stands on the shoulders of so many Indian and South Asian diaspora actors who are older than him by 40-50 years and whose names people don't know because they never had the opportunities that he had. 'I had those opportunities because of the doors that they kicked down in Hollywood,' he said, emphasising that contrary to popular perception, there was no 'overnight switch' that created platforms for diaspora artists. Penn, also an author, TV show host and former White House staffer, was in conversation with Anant Goenka, Executive Director, The Indian Express Group, at the Express Adda in Mumbai on Friday. 'It is easy to use a 2025 microscope and say I should have done that in 1998,' said Penn, recalling that he was told he couldn't study acting and was called a 'sell-out' for choosing to pursue theatre and arts. Talking about his early films, he said: 'People ask me if I regret playing the character of Taj Mahal in Van Wilder (2002), a teen sex comedy. I always say, first of all, you are welcome. Because without that, there would be no Harold and Kumar Go to White Castle (2004). And without that, I would not have got The Namesake (2006).' It was Mira Nair's then 14-year-old son Zohran Mamdani, who is now a New York State Assembly member running for Mayor, who suggested Penn's name for The Namesake. Asked about 'liberalism in Hollywood', Penn said: 'It is the same liberalism you see supporting (Joe) Biden and (Kamala) Harris in their assault on Gaza, which is not that different from Donald Trump and JD Vance's assault on Gaza. If you care about human rights, you see a distinct line, but I don't see one with liberals in general. If you see what the Democratic Party has been doing on that particular issue, wages or taxation with a select few states, they have not really been wonderful in the way that true progressives have been.' The actor, who wears many hats, served as White House staff member in the Barack Obama administration. Looking back at the Obama administration, Penn said he wished more had been done to secure public arts institutions. 'We gave in to the fear-mongering around funding the arts. Now those institutions are getting dismantled,' he said. Commenting on the contemporary entertainment scenario, Penn said: 'In content creation, people are taking fewer risks now. That's why there is the perception that the lowest common denominator is the only thing that is being made now… It (art) needs to be subjective and not everything should be for everybody. I am not precious about the stuff I watch or the genres I want to be in. If I like a script or a story, that is enough. One of the challenges we are facing now is, if something does not appeal to business leaders or financiers think it should appeal to… it may not get greenlit. I hope that changes because that's when you see more interesting content.' While stand-up comics have come under the scanner in India and the US, the actor made it clear that he appreciates the work of those who have an authentic voice. 'It does not mean I have to share their lived experience. It means that I find their style of storytelling vulnerable, authentic and fun to watch,' he said. Commenting on the rise of incidents when people are offended by comedians, he said he does not understand the extreme reaction. 'Sometimes, we misunderstand what getting cancelled means. Then, on other occasions, a comedian makes regressive jokes which upset people. I understand that. But as a relative purist, ideally I would defend the right to free speech even if that (the joke) bothers me.' Connecting the growth of Indian streaming content to global creative trends, he praised shows like Delhi Crime and Made in Heaven for handling complex themes without pretending to represent a single, simplified idea of India. 'What excites me the most is how Indian creators are making space for stories that are messy, local, honest, sometimes deeply political, sometimes just weird and joyful,' he said. Asked about South Asian solidarity, especially between Indian and Pakistani artists abroad, he said: 'There is a shared experience among the diaspora. There are some divisions that exist on the sub-continent… there is also an undercurrent of the same stigmatisation that we all go through. Not just actors, but Nepali filmmakers and Sri Lankan creative people.' The Express Adda is a series of informal interactions organised by The Indian Express Group and features those at the centre of change. Previous guests at the Adda include Nobel laureate Amartya Sen, External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar, Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman, His Holiness the Dalai Lama, philanthropist Bill Gates, actors Pankaj Tripathi and Tabu, oncologist and writer Siddhartha Mukherjee, musician T M Krishna, ecologist Romulus Whitaker and writer William Dalrymple.
