
'Shark Whisperer' Villainizes Native Hawaiians Like Me
There I was, portrayed as the antagonist.
I served as Chair of Hawaii's House Committee on Ocean, Marine Resources and Hawaiian Affairs, the body featured in the documentary for holding hearings on shark protection legislation. What the film doesn't show is that I was one the earliest and strongest champions of the bill that banned shark fishing. I called for a hearing when others hesitated. I moved the bill to a vote despite resistance from House leadership. I worked hard to secure the support needed to pass it.
But in the documentary, Native Hawaiians like myself—lawmakers, kūpuna (elders), and local researchers—are reduced to obstacles. We are either tokenized or vilified, while a single outsider (in this case, social media activist Ocean Ramsey) is framed as the story's savior. This isn't just a misrepresentation. It reflects a deeper pattern in the way mainstream documentaries often frame their stories: who is cast as the subject, and who is cast as the object. Whose knowledge is celebrated, and whose is pushed aside.
I grew up freediving off the coast of Maui, spearfishing for fish and heʻe (octopus), and encountering manō (sharks) regularly. These weren't adrenaline-fueled stunts. They were sacred moments. In our tradition, the shark is not something to be humanized or monetized. It is our aumākua, a family guardian. We do not stalk them, name them, or treat them like pets. We show respect. We let the manō come to us.
Later as a young lawmaker representing my community, I began to see how depleted our waters had become. Fish stocks were declining, coral was dying, and ocean commercialization was pushing native species to the edge. I didn't take on shark protection because it was politically easy. It wasn't. Many commercial fishermen opposed it. Colleagues warned me not to push it. But I moved forward anyway because the ocean raised me. I owed it that much.
Shark Whisperer claims to honor marine life, but it often confuses reverence with control. It reduces wild, sacred beings to characters in a human-centered story, mistaking closeness for connection. But in our culture, true respect often means keeping a sacred distance. Not everything powerful needs to be tamed. Every creature holds its own essence and role in the web of life, whether or not it reflects us. To honor them is to let go of the need to dominate or display, and simply let them be.
That's what makes the film's focus on Ramsey so troubling. Not just because it elevates her as the lone protector of Hawaii's sharks, but because it blurs the line between advocacy and appropriation. In a recent Instagram post, Ramsey referenced the honor of receiving ʻuhi, a sacred tattoo ceremony traditionally reserved for Native Hawaiians. She described it as a 'symbol of her kuleana and heritage', claiming a cultural lineage that simply isn't hers.
Beyond this, her academic background is unclear. Her origin is often vague. What is clear is that she lacks the trust of the local community. Many advocates believe her involvement actually delayed the passage of the shark protection law. Her presence casted doubt on the credibility of the broader coalition. And some supporters hesitated to show up, concerned their advocacy would be associated with what many saw as her disrespect toward Native Hawaiians and local fishers.
And now, with an even larger platform, her example risks being imitated. And if others will mimic her tactics, our voices, the ones rooted in generations of lived experience and cultural knowledge, may be drowned out.
The truth is, Kānaka Maoli (Native Hawaiian) ocean protectors have been doing this work for generations. They've done it with fewer followers, without sponsorships or stunts, and without turning our aumākua into content or cash. Our true Kahu Manō (shark whisperers) may never get a documentary deal or millions of views, but they carry the knowledge that sustains life in our waters and our communities. They are who we turn to. They are who we trust.
Netflix had the opportunity to center their voices. Instead, it followed a formula weʻve seen many times before.
In The White Helmets, Western filmmakers crafted a humanitarian narrative in Syria that largely erased local organizing and failed to contextualize the complex geopolitical forces involved. In The Rescue, Thai cave divers were spotlighted over the Indigenous local volunteers who led much of the initial effort. And in The Ivory Game, African anti-poaching leaders were overshadowed by European conservationists with camera crews and sponsorships. These films may have had good intentions, but they reflect a pattern: the white outsider as savior, the local or Indigenous people as backdrop or obstacle.
This kind of framing doesn't just distort the truth, it disempowers communities. It reinforces a system in which those closest to the harm are furthest from the platform, and those furthest from the culture are handed the microphone.
But it doesn't have to be that way.
Good allyship begins with humility. It means showing up in solidarity, not for visibility. It means knowing when to speak, and when to step back and amplify those with lived experience and ancestral ties—especially when the work involves sacred beings, sacred practices, and sacred places.
We're not asking to be centered in every story. We're asking not to be erased from our own.
We are not the villain. And neither is the manō.
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Boston Globe
38 minutes ago
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But Trump, now 79 and facing his own health challenges, has refused to let up on Biden, and his allies in the party have followed suit. Advertisement Republican Rep. Derrick Van Orden of Wisconsin called the Biden White House's use of the autopen 'a massive scandal,' while Republican Rep. Nick Lalota insists his New York constituents 'are curious as to what was happening during President Biden's days.' White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt recently confirmed the administration would pursue an investigation of the Biden administration's use of the presidential autopen. Trump and other Republicans have questioned whether Biden was actually running the country and suggested aides abused a tool that has long been a routine part of signing presidentially approved actions. 'We deserve to get to the bottom of it,' Leavitt said. Biden has responded to the criticism by issuing a statement saying he was, in fact, making the decisions during his presidency and that any suggestion otherwise 'is ridiculous and false.' Congressional committees investigate On Capitol Hill, the House Oversight Committee has convened hearings on use of the autopen and Biden's fitness for office. Van Orden cited the Constitution's Article II vesting authority solely with the president. 'It doesn't say chief of staff. It doesn't say an autopen,' he said. The House panel subpoenaed Biden's physician and a top aide to former first lady Jill Biden. Both invoked Fifth Amendment protections that prevent people from being forced to testify against themselves in government proceedings. 'There was no there there,' said Democratic Rep. Wesley Bell of Missouri, a member of the committee who called the effort 'an extraordinary waste of time.' The committee's chairman, Rep. James Comer, wants to hear from former White House chiefs of staff Ron Klain and Jeff Zients; former senior advisers Mike Donilon and Anita Dunn; and other former top aides Bruce Reed, Steve Ricchetti and Annie Tomasini, among others. Republicans confirmed multiple dates for the sessions through late September, ensuring it will remain in the headlines. Advertisement Investigations could crowd out GOP efforts to define Trump positively That GOP schedule comes as both parties work feverishly to define Trump's start to his second term. His so-called 'One Big Beautiful Bill' is a mix of tax cuts, border security measures and cuts to safety net programs such as Medicaid, a joint state-federal insurance program for lower-income Americans. Polls suggest some individual measures are popular while others are not and that the GOP faces headwinds on tilting the public in favor of the overall effort. A recent poll from The Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research found that about two-thirds of U.S. adults view the bill as a win for the wealthy and another found that only about one-quarter of U.S. adults felt Trump's policies have helped them. In the policy survey, he failed to earn majority support on any of the major issues, including the economy, immigration, government spending and health care. Immigration, especially, had been considered a major strength for Trump politically. It is 'rather tone deaf,' said Bell, for Republicans to go after Biden given those circumstances. 'Americans want us to deal with the issues that are plaguing our country now … the high cost of living, cost of food, the cost of housing, health care,' Bell said, as he blasted the GOP for a deliberate 'distraction' from what challenges most U.S. households. The effort also comes with Trump battling his own supporters over the Justice Department's decision not to publicly release additional records related to the Epstein case. Advertisement 'The Epstein saga is more important to his base than whatever happened to Joe Biden,' said Ayres, the GOP pollster. Even Lalota, the New York congressman, acknowledged a balancing act with the Biden inquiries. 'My constituents care most about affordability and public safety,' Lalota said. 'But this is an important issue nonetheless.' Democrats don't want to talk about Biden With Republicans protecting a narrow House majority, every hotly contested issue could be seen as determinative in the 2026 midterm elections. That puts added pressure on Republicans to retain Trump's expanded 2024 coalition, when he increased support among Black and Hispanic voters, especially men, over the usual Republican levels. But that's considerably harder without Trump himself on the ballot. That could explain Republican efforts to keep going after Biden given how unpopular he is with Trump's core supporters. Democrats, meanwhile, point to their success in the 2018 midterms during Trump's first presidency, when they reclaimed the House majority on the strength of moderate voters, including disaffected Republicans. They seem confident that Republicans' aggressiveness about Biden does not appeal to that swath of the electorate. But even as they praise Biden's accomplishments as president, Democrats quietly admit they don't want to spend time talking about a figure who left office with lagging approval ratings and forced his party into a late, difficult change at the top of the ticket. Democratic Rep. Don Beyer of Virginia said Biden was productive while acknowledging he 'was not at the top of his game because of his age.' He said Democrats want to look forward, most immediately on trying to win control of the House and make gains in the Senate. 'And then who's our standard bearer in 2028?' Beyer said. 'And how do we minimize the Trump damage with what we have right now?' Advertisement