
V-P Dhankhar questions rise of coaching culture; says it should build skills, not dominate education
He also said, "We do live in a nation and nations that are a comity. We work in togetherness, we work in tandem. We have mutual respect, diplomatic dialogues. But at the end of the day, we are sovereign, we take our own decisions.'
Addressing the officer trainees of IDES 2024 batch at the Vice-President's Enclave here, he said, 'There will be challenges. Challenges will be to create divisiveness. For example, we have seen global conflagrations - two of them in particular, you know them. These have become open-ended. Look at the devastation of property, human lives, and their misery. And look at our calibration. We taught a lesson, taught it well. We chose Bahawalpur and Muridke, and then brought it to a temporary conclusion. 'Operation Sindoor' is not over - it continues."
He said that Operation Sindoor is not paused, and added, 'Some people ask the question - why was it stopped? We are a nation that believes in peace, nonviolence, a land of Buddha, Mahavira, and Gandhi. We do not wish to kill even living beings - how can we target human beings? The idea was to generate sanity, to generate a sense of humanity in the others.'
'Our demographic dividend is a global envy. 65% of our population is below 35 years of age. The median age of this country is 28, whereas that of China and the U.S. is around 38–39, and Japan, 48. Now, you are the chosen ones. You've got the opportunity to serve Bharat, home to one-sixth of humanity," he said.

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Mint
10 minutes ago
- Mint
Election Commission appoints Rajya Sabha Secretary General as Returning Officer for Vice-Presidential Election 2025
The Election Commission, in consultation with the Ministry of Law and Justice and with the approval of the Deputy Chairman of the Rajya Sabha, has appointed the Secretary General of the Rajya Sabha as the Returning Officer for the upcoming Vice-Presidential Election in 2025. According to the official statement, 'As per Article 324 of the Constitution, the Election Commission of India is responsible for conducting the election to the office of the Vice President.' Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar resigned from his post on Monday evening, citing health reasons. In his resignation letter to President Droupadi Murmu, he said he was stepping down 'to prioritise health care and abide by medical advice.' "To prioritise health care and abide by medical advice, I hereby resign as the Vice President of India, effective immediately, in accordance with Article 67(a) of the constitution," Dhankhar said in his letter. 'I extend my deepest gratitude to Your Excellency - the Hon'ble President of India for her unwavering support and the soothing, wonderful working relationship we maintained during my tenure,' he added. Meanwhile, the Election Commission of India has also appointed Garima Jain, Joint Secretary, Rajya Sabha Secretariat and Shri Vijay Kumar, Director, Rajya Sabha Secretariat as Assistant Returning Officers during the course of Vice-Presidential Election, 2025. 'Under Section 3 of the Presidential and Vice-Presidential Elections Act, 1952, the Election Commission, in consultation with the Central Government, appoints a Returning Officer, who shall have his office in New Delhi, and may also appoint one or more Assistant Returning Officers. As per convention, either Secretary General, Lok Sabha or the Secretary General, Rajya Sabha is appointed as theReturning Officer by rotation. During the last Vice-Presidential election, the Secretary General of the Lok Sabha was appointed as the Returning ,' the official order said. The requisite Gazette Notification is being issued separately today, the notice further added. The Vice President of India is elected by an Electoral College comprising members of both Houses of Parliament, following the system of proportional representation through a single transferable vote. The election process is conducted via a secret ballot. This Electoral College includes all elected and nominated members of the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha. When the Vice President's term comes to an end, the election to fill the vacancy is completed before the term expires. However, if the position becomes vacant due to death, resignation, removal, or any other reason, a new election is held as soon as possible. The elected candidate then serves a full five-year term from the date they assume office. Key Takeaways The Election Commission is responsible for conducting the Vice-Presidential Election as per constitutional provisions. Appointments for the Returning Officer follow a rotational convention between the Rajya Sabha and Lok Sabha Secretaries General. Assistant Returning Officers have been appointed to assist in the election process.

The Wire
40 minutes ago
- The Wire
Parliament Unfiltered: I Came, I Saw But Did I Question it?
If our parliament can specially meet to celebrate anniversaries, why not for issues like terrorist attacks, inflation, unemployment, women's safety or climate change? Opposition MPs protest in Lok Sabha demanding rollback of Bihar SIR during the monsoon session of parliament. Photo: PTI June 30 marks the International Day of Parliamentarism every year and its commemoration seems more valid as the downhill status of democracies all over the world comes to mind. An incisive couplet by John Dryden states, 'Democracy is essentially anti-authoritarian – that is, it not only demands the right but imposes the responsibility of thinking for ourselves.' V-dem or the Varieties of Democracy index, published in March of this year, points out that India is experiencing 'Autocratization'. Honouring this day in its right spirit calls for a systematic analysis of the developments in the parliament in recent years, acknowledging citizen discontent registering the damage and calling on to policymakers for a reformation that is as much internal as is political. Special session: A hot potato? The demand by opposition parties for a special session post Pahalgam terror attack and the government's reluctance to take it up poses a lot of questions about the direction our democracy is heading towards. The terror attack's implications have been on everyone's lips since April 22 when it blurred the boundaries between black and white. Arguing that 'it is crucial for the people and their representatives to discuss', Congress MP and leader of opposition in Lok Sabha Rahul Gandhi had written to Modi demanding a special session (followed by subsequent similar demands), but received no response from the government and an uncanny silence reluctance. A few incidents highlighted the need of a special session: the defence ministers' meeting at SCO concluded without a joint statement due to a lack of consensus on whether there should be strict dialogue against terrorism; the United States' President, Donald Trump, announcing a ceasefire between India and pakistan speaks volumes of New Delhi's geopolitical standing and decisions MEA has taken, putting a question mark on the future of our foreign policy; deputy chief of army staff Lieutenant General Rahul R. Singh emphasised China's involvement during Operation Sindoor. It is to be noted that he is the first such official to talk about it, while others have been constantly downplaying China's role, giving a clear indication about the unaligned opinions of our defence officials. Chief of defence staff General Anil Chauhan acknowledged loss of aircraft and downing of jets during the four day clashes with Pakistan recently, evading deeper questions about why, how and how many losses we actually suffered, raising questions about the government's credibility. Here's what makes me question the government's indifference to the demand: in 2017, a joint midnight session was held to launch goods and services tax (GST); in 2023, a special session was held to commemorate the 75th anniversary of India's independence in the new parliament building; and the law on women's reservation in parliament and state assemblies was also passed during this special session. All of these are issues that coincidentally align with the ruling BJP-led government's ideologies and an apparent sense of effort is felt when the same special sessions are demanded in the aftermath of terrorist attacks that sent the whole nation into shock. A backdrop of dissent: Reluctance as refusal to reimagine The list of reluctances is longer than just the demand for a special session, the unfulfillment of which is saddening. The lesser number of sittings, shorter sessions, budget being guillotined and passing of bills within minutes – they all point towards a sorry state of affairs. Lok Sabha's sittings have come down from an average of 135 in a year in the first term of Lok Sabha to just 55 in the 17th. A research by PRS suggests that in 2020, the Indian parliament sat in session for 33 days only, a historic low. When Covid struck and suspended the daily lives of millions of people, the Indian parliament sat shut while many others switched to functioning online or in hybrid mode and met on set dates like in the UK, Australia, Canada and South Africa. The Supreme Court of UK, in 2019, struck down the prorogation of parliament by the Queen as it prevented 'Parliament from being able to do its job.' Canada organised a virtual parliament, allowing MPs to ask questions over a video call, while Chile amended its constitution, permitting the senate to hold sessions in a mixed face-to-face and virtual mode, with remote voting, preventing the compromise on sittings. Sessions have been cancelled and called off on various occasions due to unnecessary reasons, like for the Vidhan Sabha elections in five states in 2011, when political parties agreed to cut short the budget session. In 2017, 2018, 2022 and 2023, winter session was delayed and curtailed because of assembly elections, stifling the parliament's power as an effective institution. The government's unilateral power to decide where, when and on what agenda the session takes place robs citizens of their right to question through elected representatives, equating the opposition's power of check and balance to zero. In the 17th Lok Sabha, 11 out of the 15 sessions were adjourned early. As a result, 40 scheduled sittings did not take place. Parliament: Rejuvenation of rights or erosion of efficacy? In 2004, 2013, 2018 and 2023, 100% of the budget was guillotined, meaning it was not debated at all before being passed. In the monsoon session of 2020, the controversy around farm bills was used by the government as an excuse to push through 15 bills in just eight hours in the absence of opposition due to their boycott. In 2021, during monsoon session again, Lok Sabha cleared 18 bills amid protests by the opposition who demanded debate on farmers' protests and the Pegasus spyware scandal. Disappointingly enough, in 2023, the opposition protested in demand for a discussion on the Manipur crisis but the Rajya Sabha passed a bill within just 3 minutes. Even a papdi chaat cannot be prepared in 3 minutes! Many other controversial bills, like forest conservation amendment bill and digital personal data protection bill, were also passed quickly with no opposition MP participating in debate. Every citizen wants laws to be passed with clear deliberation, intense discussion and stakeholder consultation on the merits and demerits through parliamentary committees, but that is not happening anymore. The percentage of bills referred to parliament standing committees has been just 60%, 71%, 25%, 16% and 20% between the 14th and the 18th Lok Sabha (so far), respectively. Can we ever unsee that? All this evidence forces me to challenge the parliament as a democratic institution and dub it as the government's bill passing factory. This might sound dystopian, but the country's highest institution for lawmaking as we are taught in school books has blatantly failed to live up to its name and fame. A meeting was indeed convened on April 24 with the presence of ministers and leaders from all parties. The absence of the prime minister pointed towards the lack of importance allotted to contemporary issues of national relevance. However, a meeting doesn't suffice for a well-organised session and ultimately the special session never took place. This concerning trend effectively calls to question the accountable executive, stable legislature and righteous judiciary we preach other democracies about. Are we fooling ourselves? To conclude All I wonder as a young person struggling to mark my presence in this democracy is that if our parliament can specially meet to celebrate anniversaries, why not for issues like terrorist attacks, inflation, unemployment, women's safety or climate change? Such is the resistance of the government to debate controversial issues like Pahalgam terror attack, electoral rolls revision in Bihar, etc that it would rather let the opposition protest and disrupt proceedings than schedule the debate. The ongoing 21-day-short monsoon session of parliament has already lost more than four days to early adjournments. The need of the hour are longer parliament sessions so that there is time and space for discussion on all these urgent issues. The parliament exists to deliberate on issues that matter to us – the country's citizens – and is not an instrument of celebrating the myriad meaningless milestones of the government. Readers of this article must rise to summon their questioning capacity and become active agents of change. As Dryden said, let's take the responsibility of thinking for ourselves, ourselves! Just as the age-old saying goes, 'Fine words butter no parsnips', we, as citizens, demand an effective resolution to issues coupled with a proactive approach to accountability. It is high time we stopped taking empty promises for real action and impact. Questioning today may guarantee us a better place in next year's democracy index – the one we blankly stare at every year. The true commemoration of International Day of Parliamentarism will only take place the moment we truly become 'citizens' and not 'followers'. It is imperative for us to demand accountability as we are the demos (people) in this democracy. Guncha Shandilya is a student of history at University of Delhi and worked on this article as part of her research internship with Maadhyam, a civic engagement initiative. The Wire is now on WhatsApp. Follow our channel for sharp analysis and opinions on the latest developments.


News18
an hour ago
- News18
From AWACS To Tejas: What Rs 87,000 Crore Defence Deal Will Bring For IAF
These two defence deals worth Rs 87,000 crore will not only boost the Indian Air Force's strength but also give a major push to the country's domestic defence sector Amid rising global tensions and fresh conflicts in East Asia, India is fast-tracking the modernisation of its Air Force in response to growing threats from neighbouring China and Pakistan. The recent Pahalgam terror attack and the swift success of Operation Sindoor have highlighted the urgent need for advanced aerial capabilities, especially after revelations that China provided Pakistan with real-time intelligence during the conflict. With an evolving regional arms race and mounting security challenges, India is set to invest heavily in next-gen air technology to safeguard its borders and maintain strategic superiority. According to reports, a significant defence deal worth Rs 87,000 crore is underway to enhance the Air Force's capabilities. The government has already approved a Rs 20,000 crore deal, with another Rs 67,000 crore agreement likely to receive approval soon. The agreement is reportedly in its final stages and could be announced at any time. On one hand, these two defence deals worth Rs 87,000 crore will significantly boost the strength of the Indian Air Force; on the other, they are expected to give a major push to the domestic defence sector. Interestingly, neither the purchase of BrahMos cruise missiles nor any foreign fighter jets like the Rafale are part of these deals. At the heart of NETRA Mk-II is its indigenously developed AESA radar, which will be mounted on each aircraft to provide 360-degree real-time coverage. This advanced system can detect, track, and identify enemy aircraft, missiles, UAVs, and select ground targets far beyond India's borders. Unlike its predecessor, the Mk-II uses cutting-edge gallium nitride (GaN)-based AESA technology, offering improved detection range and enhanced resistance to jamming. Tejas Fighter Deal Worth Rs 67,000 Crore Furthermore, the Defence Ministry is expected to greenlight a new batch of Tejas MK1A fighter jets. The government is finalising a Rs 67,000 crore contract with Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) for 97 additional Tejas MK-1A fighter jets, crucial for modernising the Indian Air Force and expanding its operational fighter jet squadrons from the current 30 to the authorised strength of 42. This acquisition aims to increase combat readiness and replace ageing aircraft like the MiG-21. This latest Rs 67,000 crore deal follows a previous Rs 48,000 crore contract for 83 Tejas MK-1AA jets signed in February 2021. India Accelerates Air Force Upgrade India's commitment to enhancing its Air Force capabilities continues, highlighted by the purchase of Rafale fighter jets from France and considerations for acquiring fifth-generation fighter jets to address immediate needs. Concurrently, work is progressing rapidly on the AMCA project to develop indigenous fifth-generation fighter aircraft, with bids invited for a Rs 15,000 crore prototype design initiative involving both government and private sector companies. Alongside fighter jets, advancements are being made in missile development, evidenced by India's recent successful test of a hypersonic missile. Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.