A roof for less than €1: World's oldest social housing in Germany still charges 1521 rent — and a daily prayer
AUGSBURG (Germany), June 21 — When German pensioner Angelika Stibi got the keys to her new home in the southern region of Bavaria this year, a huge financial weight was lifted from her shoulders.
Stibi has to pay just €0.88 (RM4.29) a year for her apartment in the social housing complex known as the Fuggerei, where rents have not gone up since the Middle Ages.
Founded in 1521 by the wealthy businessman Jakob Fugger and believed to be the oldest such project in the world, the Fuggerei in the city of Augsburg provides living space for 150 residents facing financial hardship.
An information plate is pictured at the Fuggerei in Augsburg, southern Germany April 1, 2025. — AFP pic
Consisting of several rows of yellow terraced buildings with green shutters and sloping red roofs, the complex still resembles a medieval village.
'I had a truly wonderful life until I was 55,' said Stibi, a mother of two in her 60s from Augsburg.
After she was diagnosed with cancer, 'everything went from bad to worse' and she was left with no other option but to apply for social housing, she said.
Waiting lists are long for apartments in the walled enclave not far from Augsburg city centre, with most applicants having to wait 'between two and six or seven years', according to resident social worker Doris Herzog.
'It all depends on the apartment you want. The ones on the ground floor are very popular,' Herzog said.
Applicants must be able to prove that they are Augsburg residents, Catholic and suffering from financial hardship.
A general view of the streets at the Fuggerei in Augsburg, southern Germany is pictured on April 1, 2025. — AFP pic
Relative of Mozart
Martha Jesse has been living at the Fuggerei for 17 years after finding herself with monthly pension payments of just €400, despite having worked for 45 years.
'Living elsewhere would have been almost impossible,' said the 77-year-old, whose apartment is filled with religious symbols.
The Fuggerei was heavily damaged in World War II but has since been rebuilt in its original style.
Renowned composer Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart's great-grandfather, the mason Franz Mozart, was once a resident and visitors can still see a stone plaque bearing his name.
For Andreas Tervooren, a 49-year-old night security guard who has lived at the Fuggerei since 2017, the complex is 'like a town within a town' or 'the Asterix village in the comic books'.
The meagre rents at the Fuggerei are all the more remarkable given its location an hour's drive from Munich, the most expensive city in Germany to live in and one of the most expensive in Europe.
Rents have also risen sharply in many other German cities in recent years, leading to a wave of protests.
A bronze bust of the entrepreneur and banker Jakob Fugger 'the Rich' is pictured at the Fuggerei in Augsburg, southern Germany April 1, 2025. — AFP pic
Daily prayer
But not at the Fuggerei, whose founders stipulated that the rent should never be raised.
Jakob Fugger (1459-1525), also known as Jakob the Rich, was a merchant and financier from a wealthy family known for its ties to European emperors and the Habsburg family.
Fugger set up several foundations to help the people of Augsburg, and they continue to fund the upkeep of the Fuggerei to this day.
The annual rent in the Fuggerei was one Rhenish gulden, about the weekly wage of a craftsman at the time — equivalent to 88 cents in today's money.
Although some descendants of the Fugger family are still involved in the management of the foundations, they no longer contribute any money.
'We are financed mainly through income from forestry holdings, and we also have a small tourism business,' said Daniel Hobohm, administrator of the Fugger foundations.
The Fuggerei attracts a steady stream of visitors, and the foundations also receive rental income from other properties.
In return for their lodgings, residents of the Fuggerei must fulfil just one condition — every day, they must recite a prayer for the donors and their families. — AFP
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Malay Mail
a day ago
- Malay Mail
Europe's strategic reset: Turning Trump's return into opportunity, a 10 is still a 10? — Phar Kim Beng and Luthfy Hamzah
JUNE 27 — With the July 9 deadline for a breakthrough transatlantic trade deal fast approaching, quiet recalibrations are already underway in Brussels. Gone is the rigid insistence on securing zero-per cent tariffs with Washington across the board. Instead, European officials are now signalling that they may accept a 10 per cent baseline tariff as the new normal in their negotiations with a returning Trump administration. As President Emmanuel Macron affirmed: 'A ten is still a ten.' In other words, it is better to handle a US tariff of ten per cent by July 9, rather than butting head with the Trump is for a complete zero perfect tariff. For many in the European Commission and key member states like France and Germany, this shift represents a calculated retreat from idealism in favour of strategic realism, for now. The goal is no longer perfect parity—but preferential predictability. If a 10 per cent tariff averts a full-blown trade war and preserves access to American markets for the EU's high-end manufacturers, especially in autos, chemicals, and green tech, then it may be the best bargain they can extract under the circumstances. This thinking was encapsulated by Lithuania's President Gitanas Nausėda, who stated that the EU could at most 'hope to be treated like the United Kingdom.' In other words, a bespoke, asymmetrical arrangement with moderate trade-offs is now being viewed not as failure, but as strategic hedging in a world of fast-shifting economic power dynamics. Rather than viewing Donald J. Trump's potential return to the White House as a catastrophe for transatlantic relations, parts of the EU are beginning to see it as a moment to reset — and even reimagine — their strategic position. Trump may be erratic, but he is also transactional. That opens space for negotiated gains — if approached with agility, focus, and a clear-eyed view of global shifts. One such shift — arguably the most significant yet under-discussed — is the recent rare earth agreement between the United States and China. At first glance, it appears contradictory: after all, Washington and Beijing remain locked in a broader techno-strategic rivalry, complete with sanctions, export controls, and decoupling rhetoric. But the deal reveals something deeper about the evolving nature of power: even rivals must cooperate in critical sectors. The US-China rare earth deal: A strategic necessity Rare earth elements — 17 obscure minerals with names like neodymium, dysprosium, and terbium — are the backbone of modern technology, from smartphones to missiles, wind turbines to EV motors. For years, China has maintained a near-monopoly over their mining and processing, controlling over 69 per cent of global supply. This strategic dominance has long worried US officials, especially as green and defence technologies escalate in both importance and demand. Against this backdrop, the United States has moved to secure a limited but crucial agreement with China: Beijing will guarantee stable exports of rare earths and certain value-added materials to American industries under a supervised, traceable regime. In return, Washington has agreed to temporarily relax specific export restrictions on American advanced mining equipment and allow non-dual-use technology exchanges in the sector. This deal — quietly negotiated between mid-level envoys in Geneva and Singapore over the past six months — is not a truce in the broader US-China contest. Rather, it is a strategic compartmentalisation, allowing both powers to secure mutual interests in one domain while continuing to compete in others. For Europe, however, the implications are profound: the two superpowers are cutting deals without Brussels at the table — and over resources that will define the 21st century. Europe's critical crossroads This US-China rare earth accord exposes a structural weakness in the EU's global positioning. Despite years of talk about 'strategic autonomy,' the EU has yet to develop significant rare earth processing capacity. Projects in Sweden, Greenland, and France remain years from operational maturity. Meanwhile, the bloc's dependency on Chinese supply remains near-total. Even worse, the EU lacks a coherent common foreign economic policy to negotiate comparable bilateral deals. Its consensus-driven model, though admirable for democratic governance, often hinders agility in crisis response and strategic industrial decisions. President Nausėda's comment reflects an awareness that the EU must now negotiate from a position of limited leverage. Trump's transactionalism may, paradoxically, offer opportunity here. If Brussels can align its interests with Washington's emerging industrial policy — particularly around clean tech, AI, and semiconductors — it may yet secure sector-specific pacts even under a sceptical or abrasive administration. US President Donald Trump gestures during a press conference at a Nato summit in The Hague, Netherlands June 25, 2025. — Reuters pic A three-pronged reset for Europe To seize this opportunity, the EU must reframe Trump's potential presidency not as a threat but as a catalyst for strategic reset. This entails a three-pronged strategy: 1. Rebuild transatlantic trust through sectoral alignment: Europe should identify sectors where mutual interests with the US are strong and immediate — such as rare earths, hydrogen energy, and cyber defence — and offer co-investment frameworks. A Euro-American Innovation Corridor could be one such proposal, linking industrial clusters across both sides of the Atlantic. 2. Invest in rare earth autonomy, urgently: Brussels must expedite projects in Sweden and Greenland but also partner with African and South-east Asian countries rich in rare earth deposits. For example, with Malaysia already poised to position itself in rare earth processing in future, especially on non-radioactive separation technology with Japanese or Chinese assistance, the EU should offer co-financing, governance frameworks, and environmental best practices in Malaysia to create a non-China-aligned supply network. If EU wants to. Otherwise, EU would be lacking in any leverage with US and China separately. 3. Speak with one voice in trade negotiations: If individual member states — especially Germany and France — pursue bilateral deals with the US, the EU's collective weight will diminish. A unified negotiating front, supported by the European Commission and the European External Action Service, is critical to avoiding divide-and-rule outcomes under a Trump presidency. Trump's style, Europe's substance Unlike the Cold War era, today's great power competition isn't about ideology alone — it's about who controls the flows of technology, data, and critical materials. Trump's preference for deals over doctrines may clash with the EU's normative style but therein lies an opening. Europe must learn to translate its regulatory power into geo-economic leverage, and to do so swiftly. The EU can no longer afford to expect 'special relationship' privileges. It must earn them. This means real investments in defence (to answer Trump's Nato criticisms), real proposals on trade (to complement US nearshoring), and real partnerships with third countries (to diversify away from Chinese dependence). President Nausėda's statement should not be seen as defeatist, but as pragmatic. If Europe accepts the reality of Trump's worldview and responds with bold, flexible initiatives, it can avoid marginalisation. Strategic reset begins not in despair — but in clarity. Conclusion: Reset, not retreat The rare earth deal between the US and China shows that even amidst rivalry, room for cooperation exists — if interests align. For the EU, the lesson is clear: waiting for ideal conditions is no longer viable. It must act now to safeguard its industrial future, secure its place in the new trade order, and reimagine its transatlantic relationship — regardless of who sits in the Oval Office. Trump may not be the leader Europe wanted. But he may be the wake-up call it needs. *Phar Kim Beng is Professor of Asean Studies at the International Islamic University Malaysia. Director of Institute of Internationalisation and Asean Studies (IINTAS). Luthfy Hamzah is Senior Research Fellow at Strategic Pan Indo Pacific Arena (SPIPA) Kuala Lumpur. Both authors write on geopolitics, global trade, and strategic affairs in Asean, EU and US China dynamics. * This is the personal opinion of the writers or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of Malay Mail.
Malay Mail
2 days ago
- Malay Mail
EU weighs fast-track US trade deal as July 9 tariff deadline nears, mulls digital tax and countermeasures
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The Star
3 days ago
- The Star
Myanmar re-enters list of world's most corrupt nations, raising alarm: Comment
YANGON: Following the political changes, Myanmar has re-entered the list of the world's most corrupt countries in the Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) within four years, raising concerns among political analysts. According to annual reports by Transparency International, which investigates corruption worldwide, Myanmar has once again been listed as one of the most corrupt countries in the four years since the 2021 political changes. Transparency International's report shows that in 2021, the year of Myanmar's political shift, the country ranked 140th out of 180 nations. By 2022, Myanmar fell further to 157th out of 180 countries. In 2023, it dropped even lower to 162nd place out of 180. In the latest 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index released by Transparency International, Myanmar has now reached 168th place. The report indicates that over the four years since the political changes, Myanmar's corruption index has worsened year after year. From 140th in 2021, the country fell 17 places to 157th in 2022—a sharp decline in just one year. Additionally, in 2023, it dropped another five places to 162nd compared to the previous year. In the latest 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) released by Transparency International, Myanmar has fallen to 168th place, marking a six-place drop compared to its 2023 ranking. When comparing its 2021 ranking (140th) to its 2024 position (168th), the country has declined by 28 places over just four years, reflecting a sharp deterioration in governance and transparency. Germany-based Transparency International determines country rankings by evaluating multiple factors including: corruption levels in government offices, assessments by experts and business communities, and data from World Bank and World Economic Forum reports. The CPI scoring system ranges from 0 to 100, where 100 represents "very clean" (least corrupt) and 0 indicates "highly corrupt." Transparency International is an organisation dedicated to monitoring systems and networks that enable global corruption while working to drive meaningful reforms. According to Transparency International's reports, Myanmar was ranked as most corrupt in 2011, the year when President Thein Sein's government took office following the 2010 elections. In the 2011 Corruption Perceptions Index covering 183 countries, Myanmar was ranked 180th - among the worst performers globally. Subsequently, Myanmar became the 165th country to ratify the UN Convention Against Corruption on December 20, 2012. The government passed an anti-corruption law in 2013, and President Thein Sein established the Anti-Corruption Commission in 2014. After joining the anti-corruption convention, Myanmar's CPI ranking gradually improved. In the 2012 Corruption Perceptions Index covering 176 countries, Myanmar was ranked 172nd. In the 2013 index of 177 countries, Myanmar improved to 157th position. The 2014 assessment of 175 nations placed Myanmar at 156th, while the 2015 evaluation of 167 countries saw Myanmar rise further to 147th place. Although President Thein Sein's administration began with Myanmar's worst corruption ranking in 2011, his government successfully improved the country's standing in the Corruption Perceptions Index over the subsequent four years. Similarly, during the NLD government's tenure, observable improvements were made in Myanmar's corruption rankings as reported by Transparency International. When the NLD administration took office in 2016, Myanmar was ranked 136th out of 176 countries. The 2017 index of 180 countries placed Myanmar at 130th, followed by 132nd in 2018 (out of 180), 130th in 2019 (out of 180), and 137th in 2020 (out of 179 nations). The data clearly demonstrates that both the Thein Sein administration and the subsequent NLD government achieved measurable progress in improving Myanmar's position in Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index during their respective terms of office. However, as mentioned earlier, following the political changes in Myanmar in 2021, Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index shows the country's rankings have progressively worsened year after year. Although the Anti-Corruption Commission has been implementing measures to combat corruption – including prevention and awareness programmes, risk assessments, legal investigations, confiscation of illicit assets and protection of state funds through collaboration with union ministries, regional governments and civil society organisations (CSOs) – the country's corruption rankings have continued declining for four consecutive years since the political transition. In the latest 2024 index released by Transparency International covering 180 countries, Myanmar ranked 168th and was identified as the most corrupt nation in Asean. In the 2024 rankings, the only countries performing worse than Myanmar were North Korea, Libya, Yemen, Syria, Somalia and South Sudan. During this period of political change, as Myanmar's ranking on Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index has risen year after year over the past four years, state-run newspapers this month featured an article titled "The Anti-Corruption Commission's Activities in 2024." The Anti-Corruption Commission announced that over 5,000 complaints have been filed with them in the four years since the political transition. According to the commission's report, in 2021—the year of the political change—1,334 complaints were filed. In 2022, there were 1,426 complaints; in 2023, 1,217 complaints; and in 2024, 1,225 complaints. This brings the total number of complaints over the four years to 5,202. In 2024, a total of 1,225 complaints were submitted: 1,166 to the commission's headquarters in Nay Pyi Taw, 26 to the Yangon branch office, 16 to the Mandalay branch office, 11 to the Taunggyi branch office, and six to the Mawlamyine branch office. The Anti-Corruption Commission stated that out of the 1,225 complaints received in 2024, action was taken on 813. Among the 813 complaints addressed, the commission directly investigated ten complaints, 534 complaints were transferred to relevant Union ministries and state/regional governments for further action, and 269 complaints were responded to with recommendations and advice to the individual complainants on necessary steps related to their reports. Of the remaining 422 complaints, 44 are still under review, while 368 could not be acted upon as they did not comply with the Anti-Corruption Law, according to the Anti-Corruption Commission. It has been reported that there were ten complaints forwarded by the State Administration Council (SAC), Union Ministers, and State/Regional Governments, along with 1,052 complaints directly submitted to the commission, 150 duplicate complaints, and 13 anonymous letters. In 2024, the commission investigated ten complaints referred by the SAC, Union Ministers, and State/Regional Governments, leading to legal action against 42 individuals. These cases included 27 major criminal offences and six general offences, prosecuted under the Anti-Corruption Law in the respective regional high courts. Additionally, 21 civil servants were referred to their respective departments for disciplinary action under Section 30(b) of the Anti-Corruption Law, the commission announced. Furthermore, in 2024, based on complaints transferred to Union Ministries and State/Regional Governments under Section 16(d) of the Anti-Corruption Law, 287 civil servants were subjected to disciplinary actions by their respective departments, the commission stated. Additionally, the Anti-Corruption Commission reported that among the complaints it received, action was taken against 67 individuals holding political positions, 23 high-ranking officials, 101 senior civil servants, 86 junior staff members, 18 public servants and 53 other individuals, in accordance with the Anti-Corruption Law. Furthermore, 3,030 civil servants were disciplined under the Civil Service Law. In terms of recovery and protection of public funds, the commission seized and returned over 27.33 billion kyats (US$13.014 million), while more than 156 billion kyats were safeguarded from potential misuse. When comparing the number of complaints filed with the Anti-Corruption Commission over the past four years of political transition to the pre-transition period, a decline in reported cases has been observed. According to the commission's data, over 28,000 complaints were submitted during the five-year term of the NLD-led government, significantly higher than the current figures. When examined by year, the number of complaints received was 710 complaints in 2016, 2,014 complaints in 2017, 10,543 complaints in 2018, 9,394 complaints in 2019 and 5,963 complaints in 2020. Comparing the NLD administration period with the four years following the political transition, there has been a significant decrease in the number of complaints submitted to the Anti-Corruption Commission. During the five-year NLD administration, over 28,000 complaints were filed with the Anti-Corruption Commission, averaging about 6,000 complaints per year. In contrast, during the four years following the political transition, only slightly over 5,000 complaints were submitted, averaging just over 1,000 complaints annually. While the exact reasons for this substantial decline in complaints to the Anti-Corruption Commission remain unclear, there has been widespread criticism and questioning regarding Myanmar's improving rankings year after year on Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index. "If the Anti-Corruption Commission could be more transparent in disclosing their they could provide more visible and clearer public reports, these issues would likely be somewhat resolved. commented a political analyst. The recent rise in Myanmar's ranking on the global Corruption Perceptions Index can be primarily attributed to several key factors, according to analysts: the weakening rule of law, ongoing internal armed conflicts and rising inflation rates within the country. Political observers also note that this deterioration reflects the Anti-Corruption Commission's lack of transparency and ineffective enforcement measures. Furthermore, analysts emphasise that combating corruption requires more than just politically motivated actions—it demands comprehensive, grassroots-level efforts to truly make an impact. "If we're discussing how to effectively reduce corruption, we should note that relevant government departments already have established anti-corruption committees. These ministerial-level committees need to become significantly more proactive in their work," said a political observer. "On another front, we must conduct deeper research into the root causes of corruption. There are multiple approaches - not just punitive measures, but also preventive solutions. If we can create systemic conditions that naturally reduce opportunities for corruption, we'll see better results. Failing that, we need law enforcement bodies to take more decisive and effective action," the observer added. "Another crucial element is the role of CSOs. Could local organisations establish corruption monitoring mechanisms? Should there be more direct engagement between the public and the Anti-Corruption Commission beyond conventional channels? There are numerous potential approaches." Currently, bribery and corruption are widespread. Corruption has worsened significantly, and if the Anti-Corruption Commission intends to reverse these alarming trends, it must act swiftly and decisively to restore positive outcomes. Particularly, the commission's efforts must be effective, far-reaching, and inclusive to have a meaningful impact. In combating corruption, there should be no favouritism—no distinction between allies and opponents. Unlike previous eras, the fight cannot be politically motivated. Political analysts emphasise that the Anti-Corruption Commission must take strict and precise measures to address the rampant corruption occurring today. '"The situation has reached a critical point. A rapid response is crucial. To restore the country's previous standing, immediate action is necessary," remarked a political observer." - Eleven Media/ANN
