logo
Court to decide whether former dictator Assad can be stripped of immunity

Court to decide whether former dictator Assad can be stripped of immunity

Assad has retained no lawyers for these charges and has denied he was behind the chemical attacks.
A ruling against Assad would be 'a huge victory for the victims', said Mazen Darwish, president of the Syrian Centre for Media which collected evidence of war crimes.
'It's not only about Syrians, this will open the door for the victims from any country and this will be the first time that a domestic investigative judge has the right to issue an arrest warrant for a president during his rule.'
He said the ruling could enable his group to legally go after regime members, like launching a money laundering case against former Syrian central bank governor and minister of economy, Adib Mayaleh, whose lawyers have argued he had immunity under international law.
For over 50 years, Syria was ruled by Hafez Assad and then his son, Bashar. During the Arab Spring, rebellion broke out against their tyrannical rule in 2011 across the country of 23 million, igniting a brutal 13-year civil war that killed more than half a million people, according to the Syrian Observatory of Human Rights.
Millions more fled to Lebanon, Jordan, Turkey and Europe.
The Assad dynasty manipulated sectarian tensions to stay in power, a legacy driving renewed violence in Syria against minority groups despite promises that the country's new leaders will carve out a political future for Syria that includes and represents all its communities.
The ruling stripping Assad's immunity could set a 'significant precedent' that 'could really set the stage for potentially for other cases in national jurisdictions that strike down immunities,' said Mariana Pena, a human rights lawyer at the Open Society Justice Initiative, which helped bring the case to court.
As the International Criminal Court has issued arrests warrants for leaders accused of atrocities — like Vladimir Putin in Ukraine, Benjamin Netanyahu in Gaza, and Rodrigo Duterte in the Philippines — the French judges' ruling could empower the legal framework to prosecute not just deposed and exiled leaders but those currently in power.
The Syrian government denied in 2013 that it was behind the Ghouta attack, an accusation the opposition rejected as Assad's forces were the only side in the brutal civil war to possess sarin.
The United States subsequently threatened military retaliation, but Washington settled for a deal with Moscow for Assad to give up his chemical weapons' stockpile.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

What's stopping Keir Starmer from recognising Palestine as a state?
What's stopping Keir Starmer from recognising Palestine as a state?

Metro

time2 hours ago

  • Metro

What's stopping Keir Starmer from recognising Palestine as a state?

Sir Keir Starmer is coming under a lot of pressure to recognise Palestinian statehood. He's under pressure from 221 MPs – more than a third of all the people who sit in the House of Commons – who collectively signed a letter urging recognition. He's under pressure from Jeremy Corbyn's newly announced left-wing party, which placed alleged UK complicity in the Gaza horror at the centre of its launch, and the significant number of supporters it has attracted. And he's under pressure from top Labour figures, ranging from London Mayor Sadiq Khan to members of his own cabinet, who are pushing him on the matter both publicly and privately. Those calls have grown in the past few days, as images of starving children have been beamed around the world and French President Emmanuel Macron has announced France will formally recognise Palestine as a state. But the Prime Minister has remained firm, insisting he will only press forward at the moment when the move would have the maximum impact. Craig Munro breaks down Westminster chaos into easy to follow insight, walking you through what the latest policies mean to you. Sent every Wednesday. Sign up here. In a statement released on Thursday night, Starmer said: 'We are clear that statehood is the inalienable right of the Palestinian people. 'A ceasefire will put us on a path to the recognition of a Palestinian state and a two-state solution which guarantees peace and security for Palestinians and Israelis.' The UK is deeply entwined in the history of the region currently occupied by Israel and Palestine. In 1916, the British claimed control of the region called Palestine amid the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, and the following year, Foreign Secretary Arthur Balfour said the UK would back a 'national home' for the Jewish people in the area. A little over three decades later, in 1948, David Ben-Gurion declared the independence of Israel. The UN admitted Israel as a member in 1949, but not Palestine. It was not until 1988 that Palestinian statehood was recognised by any UN member states, after the Palestinian National Council formally declared independence. Today, 147 of the UN's 193 member states recognise Palestine, including the vast majority of the countries in Asia, Africa and South America. The UK, US, Canada, Germany, Japan, Australia and New Zealand are among the nations that do not. In 2014, MPs in the House of Commons voted to 274 to 12 in favour of recognising Palestine as a state. But David Cameron's government responded with a line that remains familiar today – that recognition would wait until it was deemed most appropriate for the peace process. On the face of it, the British government appears to be closer than ever to announcing formal recognition of a Palestinian state. Among the high-profile cabinet members reportedly arguing in favour are Deputy PM Angela Rayner, Home Secretary Yvette Cooper, Health Secretary Wes Streeting and Justice Secretary Shabana Mahmood. The UK has also been closely aligning with France on the issue, as part of the E3 group of nations alongside Germany. However, both Starmer and Foreign Secretary David Lammy have insisted publicly that the move is only worth making when it would be most effective in the pursuit of peace. On Tuesday, Lammy told the BBC: 'We don't just want to recognise symbolically, we want to recognise as a way of getting to the two states that sadly many are trying to thwart at this point in time.' Labour's election manifesto last year said the party is 'committed to recognising a Palestinian state as a contribution to a renewed peace process which results in a two-state solution with a safe and secure Israel alongside a viable and sovereign Palestinian state.' More Trending The letter signed by 221 MPs, organised by Labour's Sarah Champion, said the announcement of recognition should come at a UN conference co-chaired by France and Saudi Arabia on Monday and Tuesday. It said: 'British recognition of Palestine would be particularly powerful given its role as the author of the Balfour Declaration and the former Mandatory Power in Palestine. Since 1980 we have backed a two-state solution. 'Such a recognition would give that position substance as well as living up to a historic responsibility we have to the people under that Mandate.' Get in touch with our news team by emailing us at webnews@ For more stories like this, check our news page. MORE: Will there be a bank holiday and trophy parade if England win Women's Euro 2025? MORE: Empty shops to be turned into clubs and bars under new government plans MORE: Trump warns 'there'll be no Europe left' before immediately hitting golf course

Harrowing final words of tortured prisoner executed in 'human slaughter house'
Harrowing final words of tortured prisoner executed in 'human slaughter house'

Daily Mirror

time11 hours ago

  • Daily Mirror

Harrowing final words of tortured prisoner executed in 'human slaughter house'

Warning: Distressing content. Thousands of people died inside Bashar Al-Assad's 'human slaughterhouse' prisons in Syria - and one man's harrowing final words were documented by a guard The conditions inside Bashar Al-Assad's 'human slaughterhouse' prisons in Syria were beyond most people's worst nightmares. Thousands of people died inside them, or vanished - but everyone incarcerated within them suffered. ‌ Torture was a daily horror, not just in the much-dreaded interrogations, but in the conditions within which the prisoners were held in such close proximity that some are even said to have suffered psychosis from oxygen deprivation. ‌ When his oppressive regime was finally overthrown, relatives of those who had been imprisoned flooded into the facilities, desperate for answers about where their loved ones had gone, and footage was recorded of families searching frantically through debris for any clue of their fates. ‌ Brit wife of exiled Syria dictator Bashar Al-Assad 'barred from UK' amid cancer battle Qatar Airways resumes flights to Syria after 13 year break due to civil war Prisoners were fed like animals from large pails, and lived in such cramped conditions that guards revealed it was not possible to see the floor. At the Air Force Intelligence branch in Harasta, conditions could not have been more hellish. ‌ The once-second-in-command of the facility, Colonel Zain, hauntingly admitted: "The place I worked in was very famous for its bloody practices and the number of detainees held there. We would pack 400 detainees in a room that was eight by ten metres. "You wouldn't set eyes on the floor when you entered; bodies of detainees blanketed it. The screams emanating from the interrogation room situated directly below my office were no secret. It was common knowledge how we conducted our interrogations. "The temperature was around 40 degrees, because it was so crowded. We saw strange cases of disease amongst prisoners, I think, due to oxygen deficiency because of overcrowding. These psychotic episodes soon turned into physical symptoms," he said to BBC Two's documentary Surviving Syria's Prisons. ‌ It has been estimated by Amnesty International that 13000 people died in these nightmare slaughterhouse prisons in just the first four years after the Arab Spring in 2011, which, after a brief hope it might bring better times, swiftly turned into a hellish civil conflict, with protests in Damascus put down ruthlessly. Inside these prisons, guards tortured - often entirely false - confessions from prisoners, threw execution parties, and were even told to "bury them alive". ‌ Hussam, another guard and former military policeman, told the BBC of the haunting last words of a prisoner who faced execution, and the extensive torture they inflicted on prisoners. "Our superiors would say, 'Torture them, don't let them sleep at night. Throw them a party... put them in a grave if you want to, bury them alive'. "When they'd call me to go and torture them, the prisoners would go back to their cells bloody and exhausted. On Wednesday mornings, we'd have an 'execution party'. Our role during executions was to place the rope on the prisoner - only an officer could push the chair." He continued, "One time, the chair was pushed, but after 22 minutes he didn't die. So I grabbed him and pulled him downwards, so another guard who was bigger and stronger said, 'go I will do it.' Before he died he said one thing: 'I'm going to tell God what you did'." An army nurse revealed in the documentary that they were not allowed to record the real causes of death, whether that was extensive torture or execution. "It was forbidden to record the cause of death as torture. Even those killed from gunshots were recorded as heart and respiratory failure." Over 130 mass grave sites have so far been discovered in Syria, with families facing the distressing prospect of struggling to identfiy their loved ones amongst the countless dead.

Falling victim to a hate crime taught me a dark lesson about Europe
Falling victim to a hate crime taught me a dark lesson about Europe

Spectator

time14 hours ago

  • Spectator

Falling victim to a hate crime taught me a dark lesson about Europe

As a Brit, and in spite of a little Brexaustion, I hold a certain romanticised view of central Europe. I know I am not alone. It is, I am sure, a place of high culture, animated coffee shop conversations, and romantic walks through cobbled streets. The sun is always warm, and life plays out at a more relaxed pace than here in Britain – as three flags flying in Brussels' Grand Place confirmed for me, it is a place to 'love', 'live', and 'unite'. With a weekend to kill in Brussels, I did what any single gay man would: I downloaded the apps and arranged a date. Perhaps it was the magic of the city, a beautifully relaxed metropolis, or the breezy beauty of the botanical gardens, where we had met, but things went well. Emerging from the gardens, I revelled in my own little European romance – all things were possible, I knew, and the sun was shining. And then, as we emerged from the park, carefree and hand-in-hand, we were assaulted. To someone who has never experienced it, it is impossible to describe the bewildering emotions of a confrontation like this. First there is the confusion, tinged with a little disbelief – one forgets that this is a thing that happens, and even the reasoning that underpins the aggression feels alien. There's then the gut-wrenching awareness that you are in danger, along with an instinct to protect the boy holding your hand. You count the numbers, in our case six versus two, and vainly search for a way to diffuse that incomprehensible aggression. If you're lucky, you back away, ashamed of your timidity, but knowing in that moment that there is no other option. We were lucky to get away unharmed, but we struggled with the experience for days afterwards. Our crime? Their French was broken, but, when hate is shouted loudly enough, language ceases to be a barrier. There were children in the park, our behaviour was both disgusting and immoral, and we must leave immediately. As they muscled towards us, in mixed Islamic religious dress, liberally spitting at our feet, we struggled to respond. Raising our hands, and with a show of contrition, we retreated. Thankfully, they followed us only half way down the road. Now walking quite distinctly apart, the streets took on a different aspect. Searching for safety, we walked for three blocks before we again found a street that looked like Brussels. As we looked for safety, I felt in my gut what is often said in the abstract and which had felt abstract until that moment: that a way of life, and its values, are under direct threat. It feels very much more real when your own liberties are being forcefully curtailed under the direct threat of violence. Over the next few days I shared my story with everyone from local politicians to barmen. Their faces showed the same weary resignation. They were sorry to hear that it happened, but not surprised. 'That part of the city isn't safe after dark, anymore,' said one. 'It happens all the time', I was told. The accusation of immorality is the one that lingers; it's novel by the standards of good old-fashioned British homophobia. Call me a 'fag', if you like, but 'immoral' feels altogether more insidious. A deep-rooted sense of moral superiority is hard to shift – and yet that is what the chimeric 'integration' would require. Could I have convinced those boys that embracing my immorality would be a virtue? Viewed through their limited – in scope, but not in conviction – moral lens, Western permissiveness isn't something to emulate: it's something to denigrate. We are all immoral. All this can pull us very easily towards a feeling that integration is failing, and that the landscapes of our cities and of our lives are being rewritten around us. Indeed, perhaps that freedom of expression, easy equality, and the ability to live openly that I grew up taking for granted, are no longer guaranteed. I feel that current now, and the sense of acute disillusionment that it brings, because it confronted me in Brussels. What hit me most strongly that day is that the threat doesn't feel real until it's you being threatened – until it's your liberties and your safety at risk. Those protesting today across the UK and Europe, against failures in social integration, are beginning to resort to violence, out of a frustration and anger that they are being ignored. Perhaps though, they are just the first to feel as I did in that moment, because it is their communities that are being confronted with those failures. Whether it's your street that's no longer safe after dark, or you that's accused of moral indecency and forced from the streets of Europe's capital, one thing becomes disorientatingly and confrontingly clear: something must be done.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store