
BBC's twin-crises prompt apologies and promises - but will it work?
Questions still remain around whether anyone inside the BBC will lose their job. We know that the BBC team failed to get answers on the boy's family links, the investigation holds them partly responsible for the failures - and that the BBC says it is taking "fair, clear and appropriate action" to ensure accountability.There is a question asked inside the BBC in situations where there have been failings. Will heads - or rather deputy heads - roll? It is a cynical take on whether there is real accountability at the top when something goes wrong. We still don't know the outcome here.But more broadly, when it comes to Gaza, these past few months have been difficult.When Davie gave evidence to MPs in March, a few weeks after he had pulled Gaza: How to Survive a Warzone from iPlayer, he told them he "lost trust in that film" once the fact that the child narrator was the son of a Hamas official became clear.It is not an exaggeration to say that the ongoing war has led others to lose trust in the BBC and its coverage of what is happening in Gaza, where access by foreign journalists is prevented by Israel.The corporation has been accused of antisemitism. Broadcasting a documentary without knowing that fact about the link to Hamas - and not informing the audience of it - opened it up to those accusations.So did the BBC's failure properly to deal with the livestream from Glastonbury when the punk duo Bob Vylan chanted "Death to the IDF" and made other offensive comments.There are people inside and outside the corporation who feel betrayed by the BBC's coverage. Some say it is biased against Israel and that the attacks on October 7th and the hostages have been forgotten. Some accuse the BBC of ignoring the plight of Gazans and Israel's actions in its coverage of the war.
It recently axed another documentary about the conflict, Gaza: Doctors Under Attack, because it said broadcasting it "risked creating a perception of partiality that would not meet the high standards that the public rightly expect of the BBC".Less than two weeks ago, at a packed screening at London's Riverside Studios, hundreds watched it on the big screen, after it had been shown on Channel 4. I was there. The woman sitting next to me was in tears as the horrors unfolded on screen. She wasn't the only one.The BBC has said it first delayed running the Gaza: Doctors Under Attack film in light of the investigation into the other documentary. It then dropped it, deciding it could not run after its presenter went on BBC Radio 4'sToday programme and called Israel 'a rogue state that's committing war crimes and ethnic cleansing and mass murdering Palestinians'.The filmmakers at Basement Films have pushed back on that. On Monday they said "the film was never going to run on BBC News and we were given multiple and sometimes contradictory reasons for this, the only consistent theme for us being a paralysing atmosphere of fear around Gaza".Whatever the true story about why it wasn't shown on the BBC, that claim - that the BBC's Gaza coverage is compromised by fear - is just as damaging. The BBC refutes it, but in some quarters, it appears to be taking hold.In the screening room, Gary Lineker came onto the stage and said the BBC should "hang its head in shame" for not screening what he called "one of the most important films" of our time. He accused the BBC of bowing to pressure - and the audience noisily agreed.Reporting the Israel-Gaza war has tested the BBC almost like never before. One insider said to me that neither side wants impartial reporting, what they want is partisan reporting. But, from all sides, the BBC has come under fire.The BBC says it is "fully committed to reporting the Israel-Gaza conflict impartially, accurately and to the highest standards of journalism". It also says "We strongly reject the notion – levelled from different sides of this conflict – that we are pro or anti any position".Two years ago the annual report was overshadowed by the Huw Edwards crisis, last year it was the Strictly allegations, this year it is not one but three stories.The most important job for a director general is to secure charter renewal and the BBC has a strong story to tell and sell. But the difficulty for Tim Davie is that no matter how loud he bangs the drum for the BBC and its future, it is hard to be heard over with the din of crisis.

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Times
30 minutes ago
- Times
Veterans minister may quit if Troubles-era troops lose immunity
The veterans minister is expected to resign over government plans to repeal the law that granted Troubles-era servicemen immunity from prosecution. Alistair Carns, a former Royal Marines commando, is said to have told ministers that he cannot support any proposal that would leave veterans vulnerable to criminal proceedings. Government sources said that Carns had made his position clear at a drop-in session for Labour MPs hosted by Hilary Benn, the Northern Ireland secretary, on Monday last week. Benn had invited colleagues to be briefed on the Northern Ireland Office's plans to replace the Legacy and Reconciliation Act, the 2023 law that ended dozens of civil cases and inquests examining killings during the Troubles. At its heart is a conditional amnesty for all suspects in historic cases related to violence during the conflict. Conservative MPs had long pushed for the legislation to protect former soldiers from prosecution but the act's provisions also apply to republican and loyalist paramilitaries, provided they co-operate with a new information recovery body. Labour's election manifesto pledged to repeal the law and Benn said last year that it was 'completely wrong' that it had barred victims' families from pursuing new inquests or civil action in the courts. He has promised to abolish immunity for suspects, including veterans. Carns, who was appointed to the government within days of his election to the Commons last July, is understood to have told Benn that he could not endorse new legislation, due to be published within weeks, that reopened the possibility of veterans being prosecuted. 'There is a huge row brewing,' a government source said, adding: 'Everyone has been left with the impression that this is a resignation matter.' The minister was not present when MPs debated a petition signed by 176,485 people opposed to Benn's proposals in Westminster Hall on Monday evening. Suggestions that he is hostile to any change in policy on Troubles prosecutions risk embarrassing No 10, which made much of the fact that Carns, who won a Military Cross and is among the most decorated soldiers to have sat in the Commons, joined Labour last year. Senior figures in Downing Street are increasingly nervous of the backlash to the legislation. While Carns has yet to clarify his position publicly, the government's veterans commissioners for Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales signalled their opposition to any legislative change in a joint statement on Monday night. 'We stand united in our firm support of the motion to be debated in Westminster today. We are deeply concerned by the prospect of retrospective legal action being taken against veterans who were carrying out their lawful duties, often under immense pressure and threat. 'We urge the government to resist any changes to legislation that would reopen legal uncertainty for veterans of Operation Banner,' David Johnstone, James Phillips and Susie Hamilton said. 'Any proposed changes must be measured, fair and informed by the voices of veterans themselves — many of whom have already endured decades of scrutiny and hardship. 'This is not a call for immunity from the law, but for fairness under it. Veterans deserve clarity, finality and respect for their service.' They added: 'There can be no moral equivalence between those who served in uniform to uphold peace and the rule of law, and those who sought to destroy it through acts of terrorism.' During the debate, hundreds of soldiers who served during the Troubles descended on Parliament Square to protest against the plans. They warned that modern soldiers would hesitate to pull the trigger in combat if the government were to remove legal protections for troops who served in Northern Ireland. • Trauma of veteran who faced jail over SAS shooting of IRA members The former servicemen massed on motorbikes and blasted their horns while circling Parliament Square during a 'rolling thunder' demonstration. The riders have been campaigning on the subject since 2019, but said that Labour's reignition of the debate made this their most important event to date. Veterans from all three services said that the move had 'reopened old wounds' and was fuelling a recruitment crisis. They said that the move could also be dangerous for serving soldiers whose fear of being dragged through the courts later in life may prevent them from fighting. 'No one will want to the pull the trigger,' said Geoff York, 71, a former lance corporal in The Blues and Royals cavalry regiment, who served for six years in Northern Ireland. 'If they're doing this to us, they'll be doing it to those who served in Afghanistan, Iraq … In 30 or 40 years' time, when these young soldiers are our age, they'll be getting the same thing. It is already reflecting on recruitment. Recruitment is on the floor across the three services.' York said that during the Troubles, British soldiers carried a 'yellow card' detailing the rules of engagement, which instructed troops to give a person three warnings before opening fire. Any soldier involved in a shooting would be investigated by the Royal Military Police and the Royal Ulster Constabulary. 'They would say 'you were in your rights to open fire' but many years later it's come to bite us on the rear,' he said. Special forces soldiers have also criticised Labour's pledge to reopen investigations. In a joint statement shared with The Times, seven commanders of The 22nd Special Air Service Regiment, who served in the elite unit during the Troubles, said: 'We have already processed our grief within our units and with the families of our fallen comrades. 'There's nothing healthy about perpetually reopening these wounds through endless legal proceedings. The harsh reality is that these new hearings are an exercise in futility. The terrorists responsible for killing our colleagues have already been granted 'letters of comfort' — effectively immunity from prosecution. 'So while these investigations might reopen painful chapters for veterans' families, they cannot deliver any meaningful justice. The terrorists walk free while we debate the merits of investigating decades-old cases. 'Our fallen comrades would not want their deaths to be used as political leverage to keep their families and the families of their comrades who are now being hounded, trapped in an endless cycle of hearings and investigations.' Carns and the Ministry of Defence were contacted for comment.


The Guardian
32 minutes ago
- The Guardian
In Gaza, we know why Israel wants to herd us all into one camp – our lives are bargaining chips
After 21 months of war, the Israeli minister of defence, Israel Katz, has proposed a new initiative to force all Palestinians in Gaza into a camp on the ruins of Rafah. I lived west of Gaza city, just five minutes away from the beach. I used to see the waves from the roof of our house. The area was marvellous, with luxury architecture, hotels and tourist resorts. Since the war began, I have been moving between the northern, western and eastern areas of the city. We were unable to settle in one place because Israeli ground invasions continued to move from one area to another. Later, the Israeli army named these areas 'North Gaza' as part of its apartheid policy, dividing Gaza into north and south and treating them differently. I remember at the beginning of the conflict when the planes dropped evacuation leaflets saying: 'You must now head to the south of the valley. You are in a dangerous combat zone.' My father told me and my siblings that these leaflets were nothing but a displacement plan. The south was not safe, and we had to stay in northern Gaza. Before 7 October, we could move freely from north to south without any restrictions. This was one of the features that distinguished Gaza from the West Bank. However, when many people rejected Israel's orders at the start of the war, the IDF established a checkpoint between the north and the south. Israel said that anyone seeking food should travel to the south of Gaza and never return to the north. In fact, it implemented a starvation policy as a means of displacement. People who couldn't stand the hunger left, but we stood firm in our decision not to submit. I remember being poisoned during last year's Ramadan. There was nothing in the markets except weeds, whereas the south was brimming with goods. We were dying of hunger and exhausted as we were displaced from one area to another. Relatives who had been displaced to the south told us it was safe. But then, Israel invaded Rafah and destroyed it, killing many. After this, those who had fled became crowded in the centre of Gaza along roads, living in tattered tents. They were unable to return to the north across the Netzarim checkpoint. A young man, Omar Marouf, only 22 years old, decided to return to northern Gaza across the checkpoint. We still do not know what happened to him. Was he killed? Then the aid was cut off. Up and down the territory we were being bombed and starved, sometimes shot while queueing for what little food was being allowed in. According to Katz, Rafah will become a 'humanitarian city', but no one in Gaza can believe this claim. I asked my grandfather, who, aged four, witnessed the displacement of the Nakba in 1948, about the purpose of Katz's plan. 'Is this plan a prison within a prison?' I asked. 'There is no point in going there,' he responded. 'We are already in a prison with closed doors.' There will be death in every corner of Gaza as long as it is occupied. Neighbouring Arab countries have denied us refuge, especially Egypt. Currently, it only receives people from Gaza as patients and refuses to grant them residency. The people of Gaza believe the plan is nothing more than an Israeli pressure tactic against Hamas, hoping it will waive the demand that Israel withdraws from the Morag axis – an Israeli 'security corridor' between Rafah and Khan Younis. Gaza's people are waiting for another pause in the conflict with empty stomachs. Young people have stopped queueing for aid, hoping that a truce is near and that there is no need to risk their lives. This truce, even if it is for 60 days, is the only chance for us to breathe. I do not know what will happen if these negotiations fail. This ceasefire is our last hope to live in peace, even if for a short while. Nour Abo Aisha is a freelance writer based in Gaza Do you have an opinion on the issues raised in this article? If you would like to submit a response of up to 300 words by email to be considered for publication in our letters section, please click here.


BreakingNews.ie
42 minutes ago
- BreakingNews.ie
Omagh bombing inquiry seeks secret 15-year-old transcript from archive
The British parliament's rules watchdog has three-and-a-half months to decide whether to release a secret transcript, amid efforts to establish whether the 1998 Omagh bombing could have been prevented. Omagh Bombing Inquiry solicitor Tim Suter has asked for information about an allegation 'that police investigators into previous attacks in Moira, Portadown, Banbridge and Lisburn did not have access to intelligence materials which may have reasonably enabled them to disrupt the activities of dissident republican terrorists' in the Co Tyrone town. Advertisement The allegation is thought to have been made during a private session of the Commons Northern Ireland Affairs Committee almost 16 years ago, on November 11th, 2009. Conservative MP Simon Hoare warned there was 'no wriggle room' in the UK parliament's rules to hand over the information to the inquiry without MPs' say-so, because it previously went 'unreported'. Commons committees can refrain from reporting evidence in certain circumstances, for example, if it contains information which is prejudicial to the public interest. British MPs tasked the Commons Privileges Committee with looking at the 2009 transcript. Advertisement This seven-member group has until October 30th to decide whether to report and publish the evidence, which was originally given to the House by former senior police officer Norman Baxter. 'It is very hard for the House to decide whether or not to release evidence it has not seen and cannot see before the decision is made,' Mr Hoare warned. 'It is particularly difficult in this case, as that evidence may contain sensitive information.' The North Dorset MP added that the Privileges Committee 'might simply decide to publish it'. Advertisement Chairman of the Omagh Bombing Inquiry Lord Turnbull (PA) But the agreed motion will give the committee power to make an alternative recommendation 'on the desirability or otherwise of the release of the evidence to the Omagh Bombing Inquiry'. Privileges Committee chairman Alberto Costa, the Conservative MP for South Leicestershire, told MPs that his organisation 'stands ready to deal with this matter'. Ireland UK government has 'plain duty' to assist Omagh inq... Read More The independent inquiry chaired by Lord Turnbull will consider whether the Omagh bombing 'could reasonably have been prevented by UK state authorities'. The dissident republican bomb exploded in the Co Tyrone town on August 15th, 1998, killing 29 people, including a woman pregnant with twins. Advertisement Mr Hoare agreed with DUP MP for Strangford Jim Shannon, who was born in Omagh, after he told the Commons that 'justice' should be at the 'forefront of all right honourable and honourable members' minds during this process'.