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Tram nostalgia won't solve our transport problems

Tram nostalgia won't solve our transport problems

Telegraph13 hours ago
Last Thursday, Chris Curtis, Labour MP for Milton Keynes North asked the Transport Secretary what her department is doing to bring down the cost of building new tram systems. Curtis pointed out, using research by think-tank, Britain ReMade, that 'every French city with a population of over 150,000 has a mass rapid transport system,' while here in Britain similar sized towns have to make do with dull old buses and taxis.
West Yorkshire, where I live, is the biggest urban area in Europe without a tram or metro system. There are plans to rectify this by spending £2.1 billion of government money on a tram system connecting Leeds to Bradford city centre and to link Leeds' main hospital to a large out-of-town shopping centre near Leeds United's football ground. Even if the cost of building the lines is halved, that's still over a billion pounds to build less than 20 miles of tramway.
Should we be asking if this is the best way to spend the limited cash we have for transport infrastructure? If building tramways is so troubled and difficult, why do we persist with the idea that having trams on our city streets is such a good idea? The proposals for Leeds don't provide any benefit for 90 per cent of West Yorkshire's travellers and our obsession with trams misses the fact that, in most places, the distribution of people and jobs simply isn't suited to fixed rail mass transit systems.
Trams, like other fixed rail systems, are an old technology. Leeds and Bradford built trams in the 1880s, discovered they had become loss-making and shut them down in the 1950s to prioritise cheaper, more flexible buses (and the private car). Since then waves of nostalgia have washed over our cities resulting in trams being seen as the only possible solution to urban transport challenges. The truth is, however, that building a tram network is an act of corporate indulgence, a sort of municipal 'keeping up with the Joneses'. Instead of moving to a new generation of transport, we are stuck with an expensive and inflexible 19th century technology.
And people don't use trams much. Across the UK, just 8 per cent of journeys were made on public transport and tram systems amounted to just 3 per cent of those public transport trips.
Even when we look at Manchester, with its substantial tram network, the share of journeys for this system amounts to less than 5 per cent. Manchester's trams also lose a lot of money, £39 million in 2023/24. If we get the 'tram building revolution' that Chris Curtis calls for, we will be spending billions on loss-making systems that, even optimistically, will amount for less than 10 per cent of passenger journeys. All while the roads where over 90 per cent of journeys take place are starved of both investment and maintenance.
If we are serious about transport investment then we should concentrate on investments that the private sector is prepared to finance like air travel, taxi systems, roads and work from home initiatives as well as ending the long term underfunding of roads maintenance. It may be the case that, as Centre for Cities tells us, urban density would make mass transit less loss-making but right now few of England's towns are big enough or dense enough to justify tram systems. Perhaps a brave mayor will tell the government their city doesn't need a tram and would rather finance experiments in autonomous vehicles, air taxis, better road signalling technology and app-based systems like North Yorkshire's YorBus rather than a tram system that doesn't solve urban transport problems and costs a fortune.
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Ex-Tory Home Secretary accuses Labour of 'abandoning' East Anglia
Ex-Tory Home Secretary accuses Labour of 'abandoning' East Anglia

BBC News

timean hour ago

  • BBC News

Ex-Tory Home Secretary accuses Labour of 'abandoning' East Anglia

A former Conservative home secretary has claimed the Labour government has "abandoned" the East of England region as it marks the end of its first year in Priti Patel, MP for Witham in Essex, said she backed the government approving the new Sizewell C nuclear plant on the Suffolk coast, but criticised plans to force councils to include more homes in their districts, claiming it was being done without providing the supporting infrastructure Democrat MP for South Cambridgeshire Pippa Heylings said: "Labour promised change and it hasn't delivered. It's blindly pushed ahead with some things without listening to people."Dr Peter Prinsley, Labour MP for Bury St Edmunds and Stowmarket, said: "It does seem that the change promised is slow, but I believe it is slowly coming."He said the party inherited a lot of problems from the previous Conservative government and it was "going to take some time to put things right". Dame Priti, one of the most senior Conservative politicians in the East of England, said: "As an Essex MP, I've been pressing for all sorts of information around the A12, the A120."We have this issue at the National Grid and pylons going on [there is a campaign by MPs and residents against plans for new pylons proposed by the National Grid across the region]."What I'm finding is that Labour have completely ridden roughshod not only over these issues, but they're too busy making big spending and funding commitments elsewhere in the country. "They've abandoned us in our part of the country, and I just don't find that acceptable at all."She said she was concerned her local council had seen "housing targets... increased by 100%", without "getting the infrastructure that we need to support new housing". Dame Priti said those who voted for Reform UK and were disillusioned with the Conservatives were "equally as disillusioned with Labour"."We have to start recognising those challenges and speak to the needs and the hopes and aspirations of the British people," she praised his government's "announcement of the 10-year health plan which has some very bold changes"."This is a new government with some very determined ministers and I don't think that it would be necessarily expected that they would get everything right immediately," he added that concerns about the difficulty of getting an NHS dentist was also being worked on."We will sort out the dental contract. We're in a mad situation where dentists doing NHS work were losing money," he said."We are determined to get dentistry right."Heyling said she understood the need for more homes, but the government's Planning and Infrastructure Bill was "taking a wrecking ball to nature, and nature-friendly practices alongside house building"."We don't need to say nature is a blocker to building; we've proved it isn't. It actually adds value," she union Unison Eastern regional secretary Tim Roberts said it was "dangerous" to see people getting disillusioned with politics as suggested in recent polls."Working people are hungry for change, which they voted for a year ago," he said. Analysis By Andrew Sinclair, BBC East political editor The political map of the region changed dramatically a year ago as many voters, looking for change, turned away from the Conservatives and decided to give Labour a chance. 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Ministers have actively encouraged Universal Studios to build a massive theme park in East of England is going to see building on a scale never seen before, which will change the look and feel of the will create thousands of jobs both during construction and, afterwards, it will play a major role in growing the country's economy. BBC Politics East will be broadcast on Sunday, 6 July at 10:00 BST on BBC One in the East of England, and will be available after broadcast on BBC iPlayer. Follow East of England news on X, Instagram and Facebook: BBC Beds, Herts & Bucks, BBC Cambridgeshire, BBC Essex, BBC Norfolk, BBC Northamptonshire or BBC Suffolk.

Can Britain survive four more years of Labour?
Can Britain survive four more years of Labour?

Telegraph

timean hour ago

  • Telegraph

Can Britain survive four more years of Labour?

One year on from his landslide election victory, Sir Keir Starmer's plans are in disarray. His Chancellor is in tears. His MPs are in open rebellion. But most importantly outside Westminster, his promises to restore growth in the economy have come to nought, despite extremely expensive plans to force a rebound. Here are the charts that show why the optimism of last summer – when Labour's victory supposedly replaced the inept Tories with 'grown-ups' – has withered. Growth Since the shock of the pandemic lockdowns and the boost from reopening the economy, GDP has only grown in fits and starts. In last year's election campaign, the Conservatives made much of the 'gangbusters' growth of the first half of 2024. But that rapidly petered out. The opening months of this year also saw a brief growth spurt which came to an end even more quickly – the economy shrank again in April. Looking through the short-term bumps to compare GDP with its level a year ago, there are few signs of any sustained recovery. The economy is not even 1pc bigger now than it was 12 months ago. The outlook for living standards is not much better. Productivity – which measures the average output created for each hour worked – has been in freefall for the past two years. Last year it dropped by 0.8pc, according to the Office for National Statistics (ONS), double the 0.4pc fall suffered in 2023. Those represent the biggest drops since the financial crisis. Higher productivity over the longer term is the key to sustained higher wages, lower inflation and economic growth, so the outlook is extraordinarily bleak. Inflation Sir Keir came to power after the cost of living crisis pummelled the British public. Living costs are up by more than 25pc since the eve of the pandemic and essentials are up even more. Groceries cost more than 30pc more than they did just over five years ago. Electricity and gas bills are up 57pc and 73pc respectively. Rachel Reeves, the Chancellor, and her colleagues thought they had got spectacularly lucky last year, as inflation fell back to the Bank of England's 2pc target in the month before their election victory. But they are receiving little credit for keeping a lid on living costs: 2pc inflation still means prices are rising, not returning to anything like pre-Covid levels. And worse still, inflation only stayed at target fleetingly. Consumer prices are now up by 3.4pc on the year and the Bank of England expects a further acceleration in the months to come. Many of the factors driving inflation higher are caused by the Government, from the VAT raid on private school fees to prices set by regulators such as water bills. The Bank of England fears this will lead to a fresh wage-price spiral driving inflation up further – hence cutting interest rates only very cautiously, sustaining the high borrowing costs facing Britain's indebted households. Unemployment Andrew Bailey, the Bank's Governor, is waiting for more signs the jobs market is weakening. That would ease concerns about a fresh spiral of inflation. But it is also bad news for workers. The Governor has flagged up the signs that the labour market is indeed softening. Unemployment is up at 4.5pc and is set to rise to 5pc, the Bank forecasts. That is a level last seen in lockdown, and threatens to take Britain back to 2015 when the economy was still shaking off the hangover from the financial crisis. There are other signs of workers suffering too. Bailey says the cost of the Chancellor's £25bn raid on employers' National Insurance contributions (NICs) – the biggest chunk of her record-breaking tax-raising Budget last October – appears to be falling largely on workers, in the form of less hiring and lower pay rises. Sure enough the number of job vacancies in the economy is falling firmly below pre-Covid levels. After the post-pandemic hiring frenzy, which pushed vacancies up to 1.3m, the number of posts now available has fallen by more than 40pc. The ONS found 736,000 positions on offer in the three months to May. Business confidence There is a bitter irony in this. A year ago, bosses cheered on the election of Sir Keir and his party. The economic confidence index compiled by the Institute of Directors soared to levels not seen since the rollout of Covid vaccines promised to put an end to the pandemic lockdowns. 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‘We are in a dangerous place': British Muslims on the fallout from 7/7 attack 20 years on
‘We are in a dangerous place': British Muslims on the fallout from 7/7 attack 20 years on

The Guardian

timean hour ago

  • The Guardian

‘We are in a dangerous place': British Muslims on the fallout from 7/7 attack 20 years on

For many in the British Muslim community, the tragedy of 7 July 2005 lives long in the memory. The bombings sent shockwaves through the nation but also marked a turning point that left many grappling with grief, fear and a new scrutiny of their identity. Twenty years on, feelings of suspicion, isolation and hostility experienced in the aftermath of the attacks have, for some, only worsened after decades of UK counter-terrorism policies, and a political landscape they say has allowed Islamophobia to flourish. 'The emotional and social toll of 7/7 on Muslim communities was profound and is felt by many to this day,' said the imam Qari Asim. After the four London bombings, which killed 52 people and injured more than 700, police recorded 180 racist incidents in three days, of which 58 were faith-related, and mosques were targeted with arson. A Guardian poll at the time found two-thirds of Muslims considered leaving the UK afterwards. Asim, who was living in Leeds, where three of the four bombers were from, recalled the community feeling a collective sense of grief as the country mourned. But there was also an additional, silent layer of suffering for the Muslim community, he said: guilt and the need to justify their sense of belonging. As international media descended on Leeds, Asim organised a peace walk with other local places of worship, and joined mosques across the country in focusing their Friday sermons on solidarity and rejecting extremist ideologies. But he also recalled the psychological impact in the aftermath, such as the fear on people's faces when he entered lifts. He had to stop carrying a rucksack when he travelled. 'Islamophobia has consistently increased in the last 20 years, and that's not just due to extremism and terrorism but also a multitude of factors,' Asim said. Among them, he said, were the counter-terrorism rules brought in after the bombings. The then prime minister, Tony Blair, introduced 12 measures intended to offer a greater degree of collective security, but many said they left the Muslim community feeling alienated, over-policed and that their faith had been weaponised against them. There was a dramatic increase in faith-related hate crimes and police stop-and-searches. Dozens of terrorism charges were brought every year, and conviction rates on those charges soared. Jean Charles de Menezes, a Brazilian man living in London, was shot dead by officers the day after the failed attacks of 21 July 2005, when they mistook him for one of the suspects. Another man was shot and injured during a counter-terrorism home raid in east London. Government engagement with communities at the time became fixed through a counter-terrorism lens, at the expense of other kinds of social engagement, said Milo Comerford, the counter-extremism policy director at the Institute for Strategic Dialogue. 'It obviously did lead to a lot of distrust and sort of perceptions of securitisation, particularly among younger Muslim men,' said Comerford. While the government fund to tackle hatred against Muslims announced in April was a move in the right direction, Comerford said, there had been little government focus for decades, and the Islamist lens had been 'part of the challenge'. The extension of terrorism powers and increased powers given to police and intelligence agencies has been of concern to Shabna Begum, the chief executive of the Runnymede Trust, a leading race equality thinktank, because of their racialised and disproportionate impact on people of colour – particularly South Asian and Muslim communities. 'Muslim communities have generally faced this kind of real culture of both being perceived as a threat and being perceived as outside the main body of who is to be British,' said Begum. Britain is home to a diverse Muslim community, the majority of whom are under the age of 19, according to the Muslim Council of Britain. In England and Wales, 3.9 million people identify as Muslim, according to 2021 census data, or 6.5% of the population. Begum said she was conscious of her two children being targeted because of their Muslim identity. When she hears the customary 'See it, say it, sorted' announcement on the tube, she believes she hears it differently to how a white passenger might. Twenty years after 7/7, Begum said the extension of counter-terrorism powers into the current conversation on migration 'feels regressive'. 'We're in a really dangerous place,' she said, but added there was room for change. 'There is room for a different narrative, there is room for solidarity. These counter-terrorism surveillance powers, the logic of all of what we've seen happen since the 'war on terror', those things apply and damage everyone.' Those concerns were underscored this year when figures revealed Islamophobic assaults rose by 73% in 2024 as a result of the normalisation of Islamophobic rhetoric and the far-right 'great replacement' conspiracy theory that spread on social media, according to Tell Mama, a national project that records and measures anti-Muslim incidents in the UK. While some noted some positive changes in the aftermath of 2005 – including increased Muslim participation in public life, the creation of Muslim organisations and charities, and interfaith solidarity – another turning point was the 2005 strategy known as Contest. Its key element, Prevent, was intended to address the 'root causes of terrorism'. However, critics said Prevent was set up without meaningful engagement with communities, and the increase in surveillance culture caused a breakdown in trust between the Muslim community and the authorities. One person recalled a five-year-old child being referred to the programme. Another spoke of university students being pulled up over their research. In the years after 7/7 and 9/11, there was a cultural shift that led to politicians and political commentators feeling able to speak about Muslims and the Muslim community in ways that were not previously acceptable. In 2024, analysis found that GB News accounted for half of all news broadcast coverage of Muslims over a two-year period, much of it negative. 'It's become commonplace for people to say some really objectionable things and still be given platforms on mainstream media,' said Jabeer Butt, the chief executive of the Race Equality Foundation. 'We've given permission for people to say some terrible things in public and for them not to be challenged under the guise that we're protecting free speech, when what we're actually doing is demonising whole swathes of our society.' Shaista Gohir said that as a Muslim woman born and raised in the UK, racism was always present. But the chief executive of Muslim Women's Network UK and crossbench peer said she has never been as worried as she was now for the Muslim community. 'It's not people on the fringes any more,' Lady Gohir said. 'It's actually mainstream anti-Muslim hate. 'Twenty years on I thought we would be in a better place in terms of building the relationships and trust back, but I would say things have worsened.'

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