Most Russians No Longer See US as Enemy Nation: Poll
The poll by the independent Levada Center found 40 percent of respondents agreed that the U.S. was the most hostile nation towards Russia, down from 76 percent in 2024.
Aleksei Miniailo, an independent Russian sociologist who founded a separate polling group called Chronicles, told Newsweek Monday that the Levada figures show how fragile the effect of anti-U.S. propaganda in Russia actually is.
Newsweek has contacted the Kremlin for comment.
The Kremlin and its propagandists have framed Vladimir Putin's full-scale invasion of Ukraine as a proxy war with the West, regularly issuing nuclear threats towards Kyiv's allies.
However the Levada center polling shows shows that this antipathy towards the U.S. is not shared by most Russians, which could be a backdrop to a thawing of ties between the countries since President Donald Trump came into office.
The Levada Center asked 1,613 Russian adults between May 22 and May 28 about their attitudes to different countries in a poll with a margin of error no greater than 3.4 percent.
The share of respondents who named the U.S. as the most hostile country towards Russia was 40 percent-down from 76 percent in 2024.
This dip saw the U.S. drop from first to fourth on the list of hostile countries for the first time in two decades and was behind Germany (55 percent), the U.K. (49 percent) and Ukraine (43 percent), against which Moscow has been waging war since 2022.
Levada said that attitudes toward the U.S. continue to improve amid the Trump administration's peace-making efforts.
It found over one third (37 percent) of respondents had a positive attitude toward the U.S, 21 percentage points since September 2024. Less than half (47 percent) had a negative attitude, down by 25 percentage points in the same time frame.
The survey found that the most positive attitude towards the U.S. came from those under 24 years old (49 percent), Muscovites (42 percent), and those who had visited other European countries.
The groups with the most negative attitude toward the United States were respondents aged 40-54 (52 percent) and those who have never been to European countries (49 percent).
Meanwhile respondents named Belarus (80 percent), China (64 percent), Kazakhstan (36 percent), India (32 percent) and North Korea (30 percent) as Russia's "closest friends and allies."
Miniailo, a Russian opposition politician from the research group Chronicles, said the Levada findings show that propaganda against the West had a strong effect but this can fade very quickly when it comes up against pro-U.S. information flows, such as from Hollywood films.
He said the key factor is whether Kremlin opinion, stated by propaganda outlets is contested widely, which is why an anti-war position is criminally pursued in Russia.
"However, it's hardly possible to criminalize watching Hollywood movies, so the propaganda discourse is challenged by soft power," he added, noting that Chronicles' own polling in 2024 found that Russians wanted to see relations with the West restored, despite Kremlin messaging.
Levada Center: "The most hostile countries for Russians are Germany, the U.K., Ukraine, the United States and Poland; For the first time in 20 years of measurements, the U.S. dropped from first place to fourth place on this list."
Aleksei Miniailo, Russian opposition politician and sociologist: "This figure shows how fragile the effect of propaganda actually is...its effects decay very fast."
Russian media continue to disparage Ukraine's Western allies for their support of Kyiv against Russian aggression. The Levada polling suggests that fewer people are listening to this messaging, as the Trump administration continues to push for negotiations to end the Ukraine war.
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The Hill
31 minutes ago
- The Hill
There's a better approach for Trump to change Putin's calculus
On Monday, President Trump set a new 10 to 12-day ultimatum for President Vladimir Putin to enter peace talks over Ukraine or face a new tariff regime intended to halt global sales of Russian energy products. Trump is promising a 100 percent 'secondary tariff' on any country that imports Russian energy products, targeting India, China, Turkey and others. He's right to recognize that pressuring the Kremlin's main cash cow is a way to grab Putin's attention, but his approach is counterproductive and incomplete. There are two ways to change Putin's plans in Ukraine. The first is to stop Russia's ability to wage its war of choice by constraining its finances. Oil and gas sales account for about a quarter of the Kremlin's budget. The G7, including the U.S., has taken steps since the onset of the war to lower Russia's energy revenues. Last month, the Kremlin's tax proceeds from energy sales were at their lowest since January 2023; however, the Russian government still pocketed about $6 billion. This shows the tradeoff in the G7's initial goal — dent Russian revenues without fully blocking the sale of Russian oil. The G7 has attempted this balancing act because Russian oil exports still make up 7 percent of global oil supply and a full shut-in would roil energy markets across the world. Trump's new plan proposes to do exactly that. To stave off the threat of U.S. tariffs, importing countries may stop accepting Russian oil. Without Russia's 7 million barrels per day of oil exports on the market, global crude oil prices could shoot up almost 25 percent, even assuming other suppliers like OPEC have the capacity and desire to pick up half the slack. Prices at the pump in America would then climb just as tariff-induced inflation hits the economy at a time when nearly two-thirds of Americans disapprove of Trump's handling of inflation. The other scenario, in which some importers defy Trump's threat, is not much better. The imposed secondary tariffs would further ignite inflation in America, especially if they target Chinese imports. Another ratcheting up of tariffs timed simultaneously with increases we saw in bilateral tariffs yesterday could destabilize Wall Street's equity markets again, all while quickening price increases on Main Street. Putin understands these dynamics; that's why the secondary tariff threat won't bring him to the table. It's true that blocking the sales of Russian oil would be a massive hit to the Kremlin, but he sees this as an empty threat because the plan is costly not just to Russia but to the whole world and, in particular, America. Instead, Trump can implement a different tariff to attack Russia's revenues without causing collateral chaos. With existing authorities, the Trump administration can impose sanctions on any company or individual in the world involved in a Russian oil and gas sale. Wanting to maintain access to America's financial system, most will seek to avoid sanctions. The U.S. could permit transactions if Russia pays a shipment fee on each sale — a Russian universal tariff — to the Treasury Department. From there, the U.S. could ratchet this tariff up month by month if Putin drags his feet on negotiating. Financially squeezed over time, Putin will feel increasingly boxed in. The second way to change Putin's calculus is by fortifying Ukraine financially and militarily. Right now, the Kremlin sees global support for Ukraine waning, with citizens in America and Europe fatigued of funding a foreign war. But we don't need to rely on our own taxpayers to back the Ukrainian people. Instead, the U.S. and G7 should seize the $300 billion worth of Russian sovereign assets already frozen in our countries and commit them to supporting Ukraine's defense and reconstruction. Doing so will foil one of Putin's main strategies. Despite a standstill on the battlefield, he thinks he can bring Ukraine to its knees by destroying its economy. That will prove much harder if Ukraine can access Russia's frozen assets. In addition to financial support, Trump and Congress should commit to providing Ukraine with the military resources it needs to continue defending itself. After the 2024 election, Putin thinks he can wait out Ukraine's limited arsenal. Trump needs to flip the script and make clear that a war of attrition is not winnable for Russia. His decision to unpause previously approved military assistance was a good first step. But to force a rethink from Russia, Trump must go further. Committing to arming Ukraine with the weapons made by American workers and companies until Russia agrees to and upholds a ceasefire will do just that. After years of prolonged conflict and unnecessary death, there is a clear need to force Putin's hand. President Trump's instinct is right, but his approach is wrong. To get Russia off the battlefield and to the table, he must delineate a plan that makes negotiating Putin's best option, and that is one that hinders the Russian war machine, helps Ukraine and garners support from Americans and our allies.

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Hamilton Spectator
an hour ago
- Hamilton Spectator
Donald Trump's next target could be deal that shields most Canadian imports from tariffs, experts warn
Canada's biggest shield against U.S. tariffs is still intact after Donald Trump's latest trade deadline, but that could change by next year, experts warn, as Prime Minister Mark Carney prepares for a new round of talks with the mercurial American president. While Trump raised the tariff on Canadian goods to 35 per cent in an executive order Thursday night, an exemption for goods which comply with the Canada-U.S.-Mexico Agreement (CUSMA) was maintained. The order was signed after Ottawa and Washington failed to reach an economic and security deal. That means, most economists agree, that roughly 90 per cent of Canadian exports will still enter the U.S. tariff-free. But, warned BMO chief economist Douglas Porter, that agreement is up for renegotiation in 2026. 'Even though we're in a relatively good spot right now, I don't think that should give us much confidence in the longer term,' Porter said Friday. With CUSMA-compliant goods facing no tariffs, and sector-specific tariffs of 50 per cent on steel and aluminum, Canadian goods currently face an average tariff in the low single digits. But that could easily change when the agreement is renegotiated, Porter added. The fact that Canadian negotiators weren't able to get any agreement lowering the 35 per cent tariff — or cutting sector-specific tariffs — ahead of Trump's Aug. 1 deadline isn't exactly reassuring either, Porter said. 'It really does raise some questions over how smoothly the renegotiation of (CUSMA) is going to go,' said Porter. 'We're going to come into it with the U.S. holding this 35 per cent over our head.' Shortly after midnight on Thursday, just after the hike came into effect, Carney said he was 'disappointed' by Trump's decision, after Canadian officials spent several days this week hunkered down in Washington meeting with U.S. Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick and representatives of Senate Republicans. 'We remain committed to CUSMA, which is the world's second-largest free trade agreement by trading volume,' Carney's statement read. 'Other sectors of our economy — including lumber, steel, aluminum, and automobiles — are, however, heavily impacted by U.S. duties and tariffs. For such sectors, the Canadian government will act to protect Canadian jobs, invest in our industrial competitiveness, buy Canadian and diversify our export markets.' Dominic LeBlanc, Carney's point-person on Canada-U.S. trade, told Radio-Canada's 'Midi info' that Canadian officials have always maintained that they 'wouldn't accept just any agreement.' 'We'd accept an agreement that was in the interests of workers, of the Canadian economy, and at the end of the day yesterday that agreement wasn't in sight,' LeBlanc said Friday, as he was set to leave Washington after meeting with Lutnick on Thursday. The head of the association representing small businesses said Canada avoided the worst-case scenario this week by keeping CUSMA-compliant goods tariff-free, but said the country is not out of the woods yet. In next year's renegotiation, the U.S. could give preferential status to goods which comply with CUSMA — but that doesn't mean they'd still be duty free, warned Dan Kelly, CEO of the Canadian Federation of Independent Business. 'That's absolutely one of the prospects I fear,' said Kelly of the idea that U.S. negotiators would try to put tariffs on CUSMA-compliant goods. 'There's also nothing stopping him from pulling out of CUSMA altogether. That would be the nuclear scenario.' A senior official with the Canadian Chamber of Commerce also said Canadian businesses need to be wary of the CUSMA revamp, and any lingering uncertainty until it's completed. 'The review could start Monday,' said Matthew Holmes, the chamber's head of public policy. 'But we're going to be talking about CUSMA until 2026, and that's the third act of this play.' At the moment, Holmes estimated, Canadian exports to the U.S. face an average tariff of anywhere from 2.9 to five per cent, which still gives this country the best treatment of any American trading partner. Still, Holmes isn't under any illusion that that low rate will continue — even if Canada's access remains better than most. 'I think it's reasonable to expect they come to the table with a baseline tariff,' Holmes said of U.S. negotiators. 'If they establish a floor of 15 per cent on the world and we come in at 10, we're in relatively good shape, but it's still not great for our businesses.' For sectors like steel and aluminum which still face targeted tariffs, the continuation of the CUSMA exemption didn't provide much comfort at all, said Catherine Cobden, CEO of the Canadian Steel Producers Association. 'What we see is some of our largest trading allies, both with us and the United States, accepting and normalizing 50 per cent tariffs,' said Cobden. 'That cannot happen in the case of Canada.' 'We don't have months to wait for a USMCA process. We are in the thick of it now,' she said. Dan Ujczo, an Ohio-based international trade lawyer, said in spite of sectoral pressures, Canada needs to get a clearer sense of the deals the White House has struck with the European Union, Japan and South Korea. 'Canada and Mexico started these negotiations with the best access to the United States in the world. They don't want to put themselves in a position now to accept a deal where that's going to get them less access to the United States than any other trading partner, so I think we still need to see what those other parties have agreed to,' said Ujczo, who has also worked for both Canadian and U.S. governments. Ujczo also said it's time for Carney and other Canadian political leaders to dial down the partisan rhetoric. On Friday, the Conservatives and the NDP accused Carney of failing to improve circumstances for Canadian workers. 'This is a negotiation,' Ujzco said. 'The political campaigns are over now.'