
What Trump's 'one big beautiful' tax-and-spending bill means for your money
Trump's new legislation makes permanent the 2017 tax cuts while increasing these tax breaks: Standard deduction: Up from $15,000 to $15,750 (single) and $30,000 to $31,500 (married filing jointly) in 2025. Indexed for inflation. Estate and gift tax exemption: Up from $13.99 to $15 million (single) and $27.98 to $30 million (married filing jointly) in 2026. Indexed for inflation. Child tax credit: Up from $2,000 to $2,200 per child and $1,700 is refundable in 2025 (more below). Indexed for inflation. State and local tax deduction (SALT) limit: Up from $10,000 to $40,000 in 2025, with 1% increases through 2029. Reverts to $10,000 in 2030 (more below).
— Kate Dore
When you itemize tax breaks, the state and local tax deduction, known as SALT, provides a federal deduction for state and local income taxes and property taxes.
Trump's 2017 tax cuts added a $10,000 SALT deduction cap, which has been a critical issue for certain lawmakers in high-tax states such as New York, New Jersey and California.
The SALT deduction was unlimited before 2018. But the alternative minimum tax reduced the benefit for some wealthier Americans.
The new legislation temporarily lifts the SALT cap to $40,000 starting in 2025. That benefit begins to phase out, or decrease, for consumers with more than $500,000 of income.
Both figures would increase by 1% yearly through 2029, and the $40,000 limit would revert to $10,000 in 2030.
In 2022, the average SALT deduction was close to $10,000 in states like Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, California and Massachusetts, according to a Bipartisan Policy Center analysis with the latest IRS data. Those high averages indicate "that a large portion of taxpayers claiming the deduction bumped up against the $10,000 cap," researchers wrote.
Meanwhile, the states and district with the highest share of SALT deduction claimants were Washington, D.C., Maryland, California, Utah and Virginia, the analysis found.
"If you raise the cap, the people who benefit the most are going to be upper middle-income," since lower earners typically don't itemize tax deductions, Howard Gleckman, senior fellow at the Urban-Brookings Tax Policy Center, previously told CNBC.
The legislation also preserves a SALT cap workaround for pass-through businesses, which allows owners to avoid the $10,000 SALT limit.
— Kate Dore
The child tax credit is for families who have qualifying children under age 17 with a valid Social Security number.
Trump's 2017 tax cuts temporarily boosted the maximum child tax credit to $2,000 from $1,000, an increase that would have sunset after 2025 without an extension from Congress.
The legislation permanently bumps the biggest credit to $2,200 starting in 2025 and indexes this figure for inflation starting in 2026.
The higher refundable portion of the child tax credit will also become permanent and adjust for inflation. That part, known as the additional child tax credit, is worth up to $1,700 for 2025.
However, it won't help 17 million children from low-income families who don't earn enough to claim the full credit, according to Elaine Maag, senior fellow in the Urban-Brookings Tax Policy Center.
— Kate Dore
Older Americans may receive an extra tax deduction under the legislation, which includes a temporary enhanced deduction for Americans ages 65 and over — dubbed a "bonus."
The full $6,000 deduction would be available to individuals with up to $75,000 in modified adjusted gross income, and $150,000 if married and filing jointly. It phases out for taxpayers who are above those thresholds.
The temporary senior deduction would be in place for tax years 2025 through 2028.
Ultimately, middle-income taxpayers may benefit most from the enhanced deduction, Howard Gleckman, senior fellow at the Urban-Brookings Tax Policy Center, recently told CNBC.
The senior bonus is in lieu of eliminating taxes on Social Security benefits, which had been touted by the Trump administration, since changes to Social Security are generally prohibited in reconciliation legislation.
The senior "bonus" may indirectly help defray taxes on Social Security benefits that older taxpayers face. However, that may advance the depletion of the trust funds the program relies on to pay retirement benefits, to late 2032 from early 2033, estimates the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget.
— Lorie Konish
As Republicans seek to slash federal spending, Medicaid, which provides health coverage for more than 71 million people, has been a target for those cuts.
The legislation cuts about $1 trillion from Medicaid, according to Congressional Budget Office estimates. House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, D-N.Y., at the House Democrats' news conference on Medicaid and SNAP cuts proposed by the Republicans' reconciliation process.
New federal work rules would require beneficiaries ages 19 to 64 who apply for coverage or who are enrolled through an Affordable Care Act expansion group to work at least 80 hours per month. Those start Dec. 31, 2026 for most states.
Adults may be exempt if they have dependent children or other qualifying circumstances such as a medical condition; however, the legislation limits exemptions for parents to those with dependent children ages 14 and under.
Medicaid changes would also require states to conduct eligibility redeterminations for coverage every six months, rather than every 12 months based on current policy.
The legislation also limits states' ability to raise provider taxes, which may contribute to Medicaid coverage losses.
About 7.8 million people could become uninsured by 2034 due to Medicaid cuts, the CBO projected based on an earlier version of the legislation.
— Lorie Konish
The legislation enacts cuts to food assistance through the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, or SNAP, formerly known as food stamps.
The cuts may ultimately affect more than 40 million people, according to the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. That includes about 16 million children, 8 million seniors and 4 million non-elderly adults with disabilities, among others, according to CBPP, a nonpartisan research and policy institute.
Many states would be required to pay a percentage for food benefits to make up for the federal funding cuts. If they cannot make up for the funding losses, that could result in cuts to SNAP benefits or states opting out of the program altogether, according to CBPP.
The legislation expands existing work requirements to include adults ages 55 to 64 and parents with children 14 and over. Based on current rules, most individuals cannot receive benefits for more than three months out of every three years unless they work at least 20 hours per week or qualify for an exemption.
Eligibility for food stamp benefits would also be limited to U.S. citizens and lawful permanent residents.
An estimated 5.3 million families would lose at least $25 in SNAP benefits per month as a result of the legislation's changes, according to the Urban Institute. On average, those families would lose $146 per month.
— Lorie Konish
The legislation includes a new savings account for children with a one-time deposit of $1,000 from the federal government for those born in 2025 through 2028.
So-called "Trump accounts," a type of tax-advantaged savings account, would be available to all children who are U.S. citizens.
Parents would then be able to contribute up to $5,000 a year and the balance will be invested in a diversified fund that tracks a U.S. stock index. Employers could also contribute up to $2,500 to an employee's account and it wouldn't be counted as income to the recipient.
Earnings grow tax-deferred, and qualified withdrawals are taxed as long-term capital gains.
Republican lawmakers have said these accounts will introduce more Americans to wealth-building opportunities and the benefits of compound growth. But some experts say a 529 college savings plan is a better alternative because of the higher contribution limits and tax advantages.
— Jessica Dickler
Key changes are in store for student loan borrowers. For starters, the legislation expands access to Pell Grants, a type of federal aid available to low-income families, for students enrolled in short-term, workforce-focused training programs.
However, the final bill also limits how much money people can borrow from the federal government to pay for their education.
Among other measures, it: Caps unsubsidized student loans at $20,500 per year and $100,000 lifetime, for graduate students;
Caps borrowing for professional degrees, such as those for doctors and lawyers, at $50,000 per year and $200,000 lifetime;
Adds a lifetime borrowing limit for all federal student loans of $257,500;
Caps parent borrowing through the federal Parent PLUS loan program at $20,000 per year per student and $65,000 lifetime;
Eliminates grad PLUS loans. These allow grad students to borrow up to their entire cost of attendance minus any federal aid.
Starting in mid-2026, there will be just two repayment plan choices for new federal student loan borrowers: They could enroll in either a standard repayment plan with fixed payments or an income-based repayment plan known as the Repayment Assistance Plan, or RAP.
The legislation also eliminates the unemployment deferment and economic hardship deferment, both of which student loan borrowers use to pause their payments during periods of financial difficulty.
— Jessica Dickler and Annie Nova
The legislation creates a tax deduction for car loan interest.
Certain households would be able to deduct up to $10,000 of annual interest on new auto loans from their taxable income. The tax break would be temporary, lasting from 2025 through 2028.
There are some eligibility restrictions. For example, the deduction's value would start to fall for individuals whose annual income exceeds $100,000; the threshold is $200,000 for married couples filing a joint tax return. Cars must also be assembled in the U.S.
In practice, the tax benefit is likely to be relatively small, experts said.
"The math basically says you're talking about [financial] benefit of $500 or less in year one," based on the average new loan, Jonathan Smoke, chief economist at Cox Automotive, an auto market research firm, recently told CNBC.
— Greg Iacurci
The legislation creates a temporary federal income tax deduction of up to $25,000 per year on qualified tip income.
The tax break would apply to workers who typically receive cash tips reported to their employer for payroll tax withholdings. It does not apply to taxpayers whose income exceeds $150,000, or $300,000 for joint filers.
The temporary deduction for tip income would be in place for tax years 2025 through 2028.
The Secretary of the Treasury will publish a list of occupations that typically received tips on or before Dec. 31, 2024.
— Ana Teresa Solá
The legislation also provides a temporary tax break for overtime pay, which Trump called for during the campaign.
It offers a maximum $12,500 above-the-line deduction for overtime pay, and $25,000 for married couples filing jointly, from 2025 to 2028. The tax break begins to phase out once earnings exceed $150,000, and $300,000 for joint filers.
— Kate Dore
The legislation ends several consumer tax credits tied to clean energy.
It ends a $7,500 tax credit for households that buy or lease a new electric vehicle, and a $4,000 tax credit for buyers of used EVs. These tax credits would disappear after Sept. 30, 2025.
Additionally, it would scrap tax breaks for consumers who make their homes more energy-efficient, perhaps by installing rooftop solar, electric heat pumps, or efficient windows and doors. These credits would end after Dec. 31, 2025.
Many tax breaks on the chopping block were created, extended or enhanced by the Inflation Reduction Act, a 2022 law signed by former President Joe Biden that provided a historic U.S. investment to fight climate change.
The tax breaks were slated to be in effect for another seven or so years, through at least 2032.
— Greg Iacurci
Under the legislation, individuals can receive a tax credit for donations they make to qualifying nonprofits awarding scholarships for K-12 students to attend private schools.
School voucher fund donors can claim a 100% credit on those donations, up to $1,700. The break will be available starting in 2027.
States and districts can choose whether to adopt the program, which experts say could tee up battles over school choice. Currently, 30 states and Washington, D.C., have at least one private school choice program, according to an Education Week analysis.
Among other qualifiers, the scholarship-granting institution must fund awards for eligible students within the state. Students with family income not more than 300% of their area's median gross income would be eligible for the scholarships.
— Stephanie Dhue
Another key provision in the legislation offers a bigger deduction for so-called pass-through businesses, which includes contractors, freelancers and gig economy workers.
Enacted via Trump's 2017 tax cuts, the Section 199A deduction for qualified business income will become permanent and remain at up to 20% of eligible revenue, with some limits.
It was set to expire after 2025, but the new legislation makes the deduction permanent.
— Kate Dore
The core of the reconciliation package involves tax changes, so it's worth a quick recap of key tax terms to help you understand how the measures work and what they mean for your money:
Deduction: A tax deduction reduces the amount of your income that's subject to tax, i.e., your taxable income. (You can find your taxable income on line 15 of Form 1040 for 2024.) So if you claim a $1,000 deduction, it can subtract $1,000 of income from tax. How much money that saves you depends on your tax bracket. The higher your bracket, the more a deduction can be worth: In that $1,000 deduction example, someone in the 24% bracket might save $240, while someone in the 12% bracket could save $120. Above-the-line deduction: A deduction that you can claim regardless of whether you claim the standard deduction or itemize. Itemized deduction: When you file your taxes, you have the option to either claim the standard deduction, or detail a list of eligible deductions, i.e., itemize. Taxpayers choose to itemize when the deductions they are eligible for add up to more than the standard deduction. Some deductions are only available to taxpayers who itemize.
Credit: A tax credit reduces your tax liability dollar-for-dollar. So if you claim a $1,000 credit, it can reduce your tax bill by $1,000. Credits have the same dollar value regardless of your tax bracket. They can be especially valuable for low- and middle-income households. Refundable credit: This term means that a credit can reduce your tax bill below zero, meaning you would get a tax refund for some or all of a credit's value. Some credits are partially refundable, which limits the size of that refund. Others are nonrefundable, meaning that they can reduce your tax bill to zero, but no lower. Credits that are nonrefundable or only partially refundable may prevent those with low income from getting the full value because they earn too little and don't owe taxes.
Phaseout: The income level at which a tax break begins to become less valuable. Deductions and credits may have formulas that set a rate of reduction and/or a hard limit, above which the taxpayer is not eligible to claim that tax break.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles

26 minutes ago
It's Trump's economy now. The latest financial numbers offer some warning signs
WASHINGTON -- For all of President Donald Trump's promises of an economic 'golden age,' a spate of weak indicators this week told a potentially worrisome story as the impacts of his policies are coming into focus. Job gains are dwindling. Inflation is ticking upward. Growth has slowed compared to last year. More than six months into his term, Trump's blitz of tariff hikes and his new tax and spending bill have remodeled America's trading, manufacturing, energy and tax systems to his own liking. He's eager to take credit for any wins that might occur and is hunting for someone else to blame if the financial situation starts to totter. But as of now, this is not the boom the Republican president promised, and his ability to blame his Democratic predecessor, Joe Biden, for any economic challenges has faded as the world economy hangs on his every word and social media post. When Friday's jobs report turned out to be decidedly bleak, Trump ignored the warnings in the data and fired the head of the agency that produces the monthly jobs figures. 'Important numbers like this must be fair and accurate, they can't be manipulated for political purposes,' Trump said on Truth Social, without offering evidence for his claim. 'The Economy is BOOMING.' It's possible that the disappointing numbers are growing pains from the rapid transformation caused by Trump and that stronger growth will return — or they may be a preview of even more disruption to come. Trump's aggressive use of tariffs, executive actions, spending cuts and tax code changes carries significant political risk if he is unable to deliver middle-class prosperity. The effects of his new tariffs are still several months away from rippling through the economy, right as many Trump allies in Congress will be campaigning in the midterm elections. 'Considering how early we are in his term, Trump's had an unusually big impact on the economy already,' said Alex Conant, a Republican strategist at Firehouse Strategies. 'The full inflationary impact of the tariffs won't be felt until 2026. Unfortunately for Republicans, that's also an election year.' The White House portrayed the blitz of trade frameworks leading up to Thursday's tariff announcement as proof of his negotiating prowess. The European Union, Japan, South Korea, the Philippines, Indonesia and other nations that the White House declined to name agreed that the U.S. could increase its tariffs on their goods without doing the same to American products. Trump simply set rates on other countries that lacked settlements. The costs of those tariffs — taxes paid on imports to the U.S. — will be most felt by many Americans in the form of higher prices, but to what extent remains uncertain. 'For the White House and their allies, a key part of managing the expectations and politics of the Trump economy is maintaining vigilance when it comes to public perceptions,' said Kevin Madden, a Republican strategist. Just 38% of adults approve of Trump's handling of the economy, according to a July poll by The Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs. That's down from the end of Trump's first term when half of adults approved of his economic leadership. The White House paints a rosier image, seeing the economy emerging from a period of uncertainty after Trump's restructuring and repeating the economic gains seen in his first term before the pandemic struck. 'President Trump is implementing the very same policy mix of deregulation, fairer trade, and pro-growth tax cuts at an even bigger scale – as these policies take effect, the best is yet to come,' White House spokesman Kush Desai said. The economic numbers over the past week show the difficulties that Trump might face if the numbers continue on their current path: — Friday's jobs report showed that U.S. employers have shed 37,000 manufacturing jobs since Trump's tariff launch in April, undermining prior White House claims of a factory revival. — Net hiring has plummeted over the past three months with job gains of just 73,000 in July, 14,000 in June and 19,000 in May — a combined 258,000 jobs lower than previously indicated. On average last year, the economy added 168,000 jobs a month. — A Thursday inflation report showed that prices have risen 2.6% over the year that ended in June, an increase in the personal consumption expenditures price index from 2.2% in April. Prices of heavily imported items, such as appliances, furniture, and toys and games, jumped from May to June. — On Wednesday, a report on gross domestic product — the broadest measure of the U.S. economy — showed that it grew at an annual rate of less than 1.3% during the first half of the year, down sharply from 2.8% growth last year. 'The economy's just kind of slogging forward,' said Guy Berger, senior fellow at the Burning Glass Institute, which studies employment trends. 'Yes, the unemployment rate's not going up, but we're adding very few jobs. The economy's been growing very slowly. It just looks like a 'meh' economy is continuing.' Trump has sought to pin the blame for any economic troubles on Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell, saying the Fed should cut its benchmark interest rates even though doing so could generate more inflation. Trump has publicly backed two Fed governors, Christoper Waller and Michelle Bowman, for voting for rate cuts at Wednesday's meeting. But their logic is not what the president wants to hear: They were worried, in part, about a slowing job market. But this is a major economic gamble being undertaken by Trump and those pushing for lower rates under the belief that mortgages will also become more affordable as a result and boost homebuying activity. His tariff policy has changed repeatedly over the last six months, with the latest import tax numbers serving as a substitute for what the president announced in April, which provoked a stock market sell-off. It might not be a simple one-time adjustment as some Fed board members and Trump administration officials argue. Of course, Trump can't say no one warned him about the possible consequences of his economic policies. Biden, then the outgoing president, did just that in a speech last December at the Brookings Institution, saying the cost of the tariffs would eventually hit American workers and businesses. 'He seems determined to impose steep, universal tariffs on all imported goods brought into this country on the mistaken belief that foreign countries will bear the cost of those tariffs rather than the American consumer,' Biden said. 'I believe this approach is a major mistake.'


San Francisco Chronicle
26 minutes ago
- San Francisco Chronicle
After a reference to Trump's impeachments is removed from a history museum, complex questions echo
NEW YORK (AP) — It would seem the most straightforward of notions: A thing takes place, and it goes into the history books or is added to museum exhibits. But whether something even gets remembered and how — particularly when it comes to the history of a country and its leader — is often the furthest thing from simple. The latest example of that came Friday, when the Smithsonian Institution said it had removed a reference to the 2019 and 2021 impeachments of President Donald Trump from a panel in an exhibition about the American presidency. Trump has pressed institutions and agencies under federal oversight, often through the pressure of funding, to focus on the country's achievements and progress and away from things he terms 'divisive.' A Smithsonian spokesperson said the removal of the reference, which had been installed as part of a temporary addition in 2021, came after a review of 'legacy content recently' and the exhibit eventually 'will include all impeachments.' There was no time frame given for when; exhibition renovations can be time- and money-consuming endeavors. In a statement that did not directly address the impeachment references, White House spokesperson Davis Ingle said: 'We are fully supportive of updating displays to highlight American greatness.' But is history intended to highlight or to document — to report what happened, or to serve a desired narrative? The answer, as with most things about the past, can be intensely complex. It's part of a larger effort around American stories The Smithsonian's move comes in the wake of Trump administration actions like removing the name of a gay rights activist from a Navy ship, pushing for Republican supporters in Congress to defund the Corporation for Public Broadcasting and getting rid of the leadership at the Kennedy Center. 'Based on what we have been seeing, this is part of a broader effort by the president to influence and shape how history is depicted at museums, national parks, and schools,' said Julian E. Zelizer, a professor of history and public affairs at Princeton University. 'Not only is he pushing a specific narrative of the United States but, in this case, trying to influence how Americans learn about his own role in history.' It's not a new struggle, in the world generally and the political world particularly. There is power in being able to shape how things are remembered, if they are remembered at all — who was there, who took part, who was responsible, what happened to lead up to that point in history. And the human beings who run things have often extended their authority to the stories told about them. In China, for example, references to the June 1989 crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrators in Beijing's Tiananmen Square are forbidden and meticulously regulated by the ruling Communist Party government. In Soviet-era Russia, officials who ran afoul of leaders like Josef Stalin disappeared not only from the government itself but from photographs and history books where they once appeared. Jason Stanley, an expert on authoritarianism, said controlling what and how people learn of their past has long been used as a vital tool to maintain power. Stanley has made his views about the Trump administration clear; he recently left Yale University to join the University of Toronto, citing concerns over the U.S. political situation. 'If they don't control the historical narrative,' he said, 'then they can't create the kind of fake history that props up their politics.' It shows how the presentation of history matters In the United States, presidents and their families have always used their power to shape history and calibrate their own images. Jackie Kennedy insisted on cuts in William Manchester's book on her husband's 1963 assassination, 'The Death of a President.' Ronald Reagan and his wife got a cable TV channel to release a carefully calibrated documentary about him. Those around Franklin D. Roosevelt, including journalists of the era, took pains to mask the impact that paralysis had on his body and his mobility. Trump, though, has taken it to a more intense level — a sitting president encouraging an atmosphere where institutions can feel compelled to choose between him and the truth — whether he calls for it directly or not. 'We are constantly trying to position ourselves in history as citizens, as citizens of the country, citizens of the world,' said Robin Wagner-Pacifici, professor emerita of sociology at the New School for Social Research. 'So part of these exhibits and monuments are also about situating us in time. And without it, it's very hard for us to situate ourselves in history because it seems like we just kind of burst forth from the Earth.' Timothy Naftali, director of the Richard M. Nixon Presidential Library and Museum from 2007 to 2011, presided over its overhaul to offer a more objective presentation of Watergate — one not beholden to the president's loyalists. In an interview Friday, he said he was 'concerned and disappointed' about the Smithsonian decision. Naftali, now a senior researcher at Columbia University, said museum directors 'should have red lines' and that he considered removing the Trump panel to be one of them. While it might seem inconsequential for someone in power to care about a museum's offerings, Wagner-Pacifici says Trump's outlook on history and his role in it — earlier this year, he said the Smithsonian had 'come under the influence of a divisive, race-centered ideology' — shows how important those matters are to people in authority. 'You might say about that person, whoever that person is, their power is so immense and their legitimacy is so stable and so sort of monumental that why would they bother with things like this ... why would they bother to waste their energy and effort on that?' Wagner-Pacifici said. Her conclusion: 'The legitimacy of those in power has to be reconstituted constantly. They can never rest on their laurels.'


San Francisco Chronicle
26 minutes ago
- San Francisco Chronicle
It's Trump's economy now. The latest financial numbers offer some warning signs
WASHINGTON (AP) — For all of President Donald Trump's promises of an economic 'golden age,' a spate of weak indicators this week told a potentially worrisome story as the impacts of his policies are coming into focus. Job gains are dwindling. Inflation is ticking upward. Growth has slowed compared to last year. More than six months into his term, Trump's blitz of tariff hikes and his new tax and spending bill have remodeled America's trading, manufacturing, energy and tax systems to his own liking. He's eager to take credit for any wins that might occur and is hunting for someone else to blame if the financial situation starts to totter. But as of now, this is not the boom the Republican president promised, and his ability to blame his Democratic predecessor, Joe Biden, for any economic challenges has faded as the world economy hangs on his every word and social media post. When Friday's jobs report turned out to be decidedly bleak, Trump ignored the warnings in the data and fired the head of the agency that produces the monthly jobs figures. 'Important numbers like this must be fair and accurate, they can't be manipulated for political purposes,' Trump said on Truth Social, without offering evidence for his claim. 'The Economy is BOOMING.' It's possible that the disappointing numbers are growing pains from the rapid transformation caused by Trump and that stronger growth will return — or they may be a preview of even more disruption to come. Trump's economic plans are a political gamble Trump's aggressive use of tariffs, executive actions, spending cuts and tax code changes carries significant political risk if he is unable to deliver middle-class prosperity. The effects of his new tariffs are still several months away from rippling through the economy, right as many Trump allies in Congress will be campaigning in the midterm elections. 'Considering how early we are in his term, Trump's had an unusually big impact on the economy already,' said Alex Conant, a Republican strategist at Firehouse Strategies. 'The full inflationary impact of the tariffs won't be felt until 2026. Unfortunately for Republicans, that's also an election year.' The White House portrayed the blitz of trade frameworks leading up to Thursday's tariff announcement as proof of his negotiating prowess. The European Union, Japan, South Korea, the Philippines, Indonesia and other nations that the White House declined to name agreed that the U.S. could increase its tariffs on their goods without doing the same to American products. Trump simply set rates on other countries that lacked settlements. The costs of those tariffs — taxes paid on imports to the U.S. — will be most felt by many Americans in the form of higher prices, but to what extent remains uncertain. 'For the White House and their allies, a key part of managing the expectations and politics of the Trump economy is maintaining vigilance when it comes to public perceptions,' said Kevin Madden, a Republican strategist. Just 38% of adults approve of Trump's handling of the economy, according to a July poll by The Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs. That's down from the end of Trump's first term when half of adults approved of his economic leadership. The White House paints a rosier image, seeing the economy emerging from a period of uncertainty after Trump's restructuring and repeating the economic gains seen in his first term before the pandemic struck. 'President Trump is implementing the very same policy mix of deregulation, fairer trade, and pro-growth tax cuts at an even bigger scale – as these policies take effect, the best is yet to come,' White House spokesman Kush Desai said. The economic numbers over the past week show the difficulties that Trump might face if the numbers continue on their current path: — Friday's jobs report showed that U.S. employers have shed 37,000 manufacturing jobs since Trump's tariff launch in April, undermining prior White House claims of a factory revival. — Net hiring has plummeted over the past three months with job gains of just 73,000 in July, 14,000 in June and 19,000 in May — a combined 258,000 jobs lower than previously indicated. On average last year, the economy added 168,000 jobs a month. — A Thursday inflation report showed that prices have risen 2.6% over the year that ended in June, an increase in the personal consumption expenditures price index from 2.2% in April. Prices of heavily imported items, such as appliances, furniture, and toys and games, jumped from May to June. — On Wednesday, a report on gross domestic product — the broadest measure of the U.S. economy — showed that it grew at an annual rate of less than 1.3% during the first half of the year, down sharply from 2.8% growth last year. 'The economy's just kind of slogging forward,' said Guy Berger, senior fellow at the Burning Glass Institute, which studies employment trends. 'Yes, the unemployment rate's not going up, but we're adding very few jobs. The economy's been growing very slowly. It just looks like a 'meh' economy is continuing.' Trump's Fed attacks could unleash more inflation Trump has sought to pin the blame for any economic troubles on Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell, saying the Fed should cut its benchmark interest rates even though doing so could generate more inflation. Trump has publicly backed two Fed governors, Christoper Waller and Michelle Bowman, for voting for rate cuts at Wednesday's meeting. But their logic is not what the president wants to hear: They were worried, in part, about a slowing job market. But this is a major economic gamble being undertaken by Trump and those pushing for lower rates under the belief that mortgages will also become more affordable as a result and boost homebuying activity. His tariff policy has changed repeatedly over the last six months, with the latest import tax numbers serving as a substitute for what the president announced in April, which provoked a stock market sell-off. It might not be a simple one-time adjustment as some Fed board members and Trump administration officials argue. Trump didn't listen to the warnings on 'universal' tariffs Of course, Trump can't say no one warned him about the possible consequences of his economic policies. Biden, then the outgoing president, did just that in a speech last December at the Brookings Institution, saying the cost of the tariffs would eventually hit American workers and businesses. 'He seems determined to impose steep, universal tariffs on all imported goods brought into this country on the mistaken belief that foreign countries will bear the cost of those tariffs rather than the American consumer,' Biden said. 'I believe this approach is a major mistake.'