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We're done catching a cold when US sneezes, thanks

We're done catching a cold when US sneezes, thanks

So it has come to pass: the '90 trade deals in 90 days' deadline set by US President Donald Trump is up, and as expected, there weren't 90 deals signed.
However, Malaysia is among the ever-increasing number of countries receiving a form letter from Trump inviting us to trade with the US, the richest country in the world. Such letters, unprecedented as they are, are what now pass for trade deals and diplomacy.
We'd certainly like to accept that invite, although the threat of harsher tariffs by Aug 1 if we didn't is a bit of a concern. The new Aug 1 deadline is firm… or flexible… or firm… depending on who and when it's being mentioned. So here we go again.
Meanwhile Malaysia, both as a country and as the current chair of Asean, is cozying up to BRICS, the grouping of newly emerging economies that's grown since Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa became founding members.
Turning to BRICS certainly carries some risks. Trump has threatened a 10% tariff on BRICS members if they try to overturn the status of the US dollar as the world's reserve currency through what is called 'de-dollarisation'.
And even before doing so, he has already imposed a 50% tariff on Brazil for being mean to him as well as to his friend, the embattled previous president of Brazil, Joao Bolsonaro. And this is happening to a country with whom the US actually enjoys a positive balance of trade.
Some Malaysians are rightfully worried about us also raising Trump's ire. Given the importance of trade with the US, these are valid fears, and it's understandable that some feel we should keep our heads down.
What Malaysia should do
But here are some perspectives on why I think it's worth the risk.
First, we're never going to get zero tariff from the US, unless Trump is especially besotted with us, as he is with Russia.
Even if our balance of trade is in favour of the US – as with Australia, Singapore, and Brazil – we'd still be hit by tariffs under one pretext or another. Trump is not beyond tearing up trade agreements he doesn't like, even those that he himself had signed earlier.
Why? Because in spite of all the claims about fixing the balance of trade, the main reasons tariffs are being imposed by the US are quite simple.
One is that Trump is a bully who enjoys the disruption he creates. He gets people all worked up in an uproar and then sits back and enjoys the spectacle. Once that has become normalised, he'll do something even more outrageous. And the cycle repeats again and again.
So, expect more outrageous claims and accusations and threats, whether about trade or about anything else at all. Using up all the oxygen in the room has worked for him before, and he's just replaying his old favourites.
The other, even more important reason, is tariffs have become the ideological nirvana of the extreme right MAGA Americans.
These people, many of whom actually regard taxation as theft by the state against its citizens, have already passed laws that'll bring down the taxes of the ultra-rich, who are often their supports or their donors.
Back to the 19th century
Meanwhile Trump has spoken about setting up an External Revenue Service to handle tariffs, much like the Internal Revenue Service that now handles income taxes. The goal is to reduce the income taxes to nothing, and derive all the revenue needed to run the country through tariffs alone.
Everything else, such as bringing back manufacturing, is just a distraction, especially the outright lies that it's the foreign countries and not local US citizens and businesses who will actually pay the tariffs.
The America that Trump wants to make great again isn't the America that sent men to the moon, or helped win World Wars I and II. He's harking all the way back to the 19th century, before income taxes were introduced, when tariffs were the government's chief revenue earner.
So, tariffs would be imposed by Trump on other countries no matter what. That they would wreak havoc on the US and global economy is not something that keeps him awake at night. It is delusional to think we could sweet talk our way out of them.
Here's a way forward we need to consider. No country has borne the brunt of the US's economic and political aggression more than their closest neighbour, Canada, which now faces multiple tariffs, including 50% tariffs on steel and aluminium – two of its biggest exports to the US.
Such a level of tariffs would be devastating on Canada – but the country has recognised that danger early enough and is pivoting away from the US, to other more friendly parts of the world, especially Europe and Asia.
Canada's latest trade figures show an unsurprising decline in exports to the US, but surprisingly, a growth in total exports due to new foreign markets especially for oil and gas and agricultural products.
Recession in US
Meanwhile, the US economy, all claims and boasts aside, shrunk in the first quarter, and is likely to have shrunk in the recently concluded second quarter too, which would place it officially in an economic recession.
And the US is also running up new and old debts by the trillions now and over the coming years, amid higher interest rates and a reduced appetite for US bonds among traditional lenders.
It's clear by now the US is not playing some brilliant 4D chess. Other nations are finding out that appeasing Trump doesn't take the target off your back, and that moving forward to form new alliances and creating new markets might just be the only solution.
The US doesn't have all the cards it claims to have. At some point, the combination of the inevitable recession, escalating inflation and high interest burden on their national debt and their economy at large will either bring about a 'regime change' or – as some wags have nicely put it – a 'chickening out'.
While we must always be sensitive about the increasing unpredictability and even irrationality of the US, we mustn't forget an important factor – that BRICS, in its current membership, already has a total economy bigger than the G7 industrialised nations, which includes the US.
Taking the BRICS road
While focusing on the US, which forms a quarter of the world's economy, we mustn't forget the bigger, faster-growing and friendlier economies of BRICS.
While BRICS are still far away from some truly earth-shaking moves, such as a common currency or outright de-dollarisation of trade, the US is forcing everybody else to look for new allies and friends and to reprioritise their strategies.
We're basically surrounded by BRICS – India and China at the top, and Indonesia down below – with Asean itself becoming an increasingly recognised bloc. People in the west even know what Asean stands for now, as opposed to an American colleague of mine years ago who corrected me when I mentioned Asean, saying that is not how Asian is spelt!
For too long we've taken the easier route of putting most of our eggs in the US basket. And for the longest time, that had benefited both parties tremendously. That relationship, however, in the words of Canada's Prime Minister Mark Carney, is over.
Even without a US recession, the economic growth of an expanding BRICS would mean the US would have a slowly diminishing share of the world economy. This inevitability is also being speeded up by the US behaving unpredictably and often capriciously against its friends and allies.
Look at how horribly the USA is treating Vietnam and Cambodia, countries that it almost destroyed during the Vietnam war. And yet these are countries that actually tried to suck up to Trump by being among the earliest to sign trade deals.
That didn't work. Neither did it work for the United Kingdom, all lost and alone post-Brexit, obsequiously and embarrassingly sucking up to Trump. The humiliation may have been worthwhile had they obtained something meaningful, but they didn't.
Future outlook
Surprisingly, the new tariffs against Malaysia may not hurt us as much as you think. Competitors from Thailand or Indonesia or China for some of our key exports to the US, such as rubber gloves and medical products, face even higher tariffs than Malaysia. Not to mention that manufacturing of these products is never, ever, going back to the US, tariffs or no tariffs.
Regardless of all that, Malaysia still has to start looking around for new markets and trade partners. That means pulling Asean closer together into a real economic bloc, but it also means making friends among the giants of tomorrow, such as China, India and the other BRICS economies.
At some point, this madness in the US will be over, but it'll leave behind a much diminished and isolated US. The future won't be dominated by old, sclerotic Europe or Japan, or self-sabotaging US. It'll be a world dominated by BRICS.
We have to make our moves early, and along with Asean, become a significant force charting the way forward for BRICS. That certainly doesn't mean abandoning the West, but it does mean that we will no longer live in fear of catching a cold when the US sneezes.
The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
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Turkey should be a strategic dialogue partner of Asean — Phar Kim Beng
Turkey should be a strategic dialogue partner of Asean — Phar Kim Beng

Malay Mail

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  • Malay Mail

Turkey should be a strategic dialogue partner of Asean — Phar Kim Beng

JULY 13 — As Asean approaches a more uncertain and multipolar world order, the time has come for the bloc to reconsider and recalibrate its list of strategic partners. Among the candidates that merit serious attention is the Republic of Turkey — a country with a distinct geostrategic identity, a growing economic and technological footprint, and a track record of mediating complex international crises. Turkey, in short, is a power that Asean can no longer ignore. It is time that Turkey be recognized formally as a Strategic Dialogue Partner of Asean, and be included in the East Asia Summit (EAS) framework. It should not remain as a Sectoral Partner of Asean anymore. A strategic middle power bridging continents Turkey sits at the crossroads of Asia, Europe, and the Middle East, a geography that lends it significant strategic depth. Bordering eight countries — including Greece, Bulgaria, Syria, Iraq, Iran, and Armenia — Turkey has proximity to nearly all the major conflict zones and energy corridors of the world. Its ability to interface with NATO, the Arab League, the Organization of Turkic States, the European Union (as a customs union partner), and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) illustrates its omni-directional diplomacy — precisely the kind of adaptable, multipolar foreign policy orientation that Asean itself aspires to embody. In the words of former Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu, Turkey practices a 'zero problems with neighbors' policy. Even when this doctrine has been tested by regional upheavals — from the Syrian civil war to tensions with Greece — Ankara has adapted with strategic restraint rather than hegemonic ambition. In this regard, it mirrors Asean's ethos of non-interference, consensus-building, and respect for sovereignty. The current Foreign Minister Dr Hakan Fidan, not excluding Dr Ibrahim Kalin the Chief of Turkish intelligence, are two of the leading figures in the inner circle of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan who have more than 25 years of impressive experience with the Global North and South. President Erdoğan's ability to speak directly with Presidents Putin and Zelenskyy, while simultaneously working with Western allies, is a testament to Turkey's status as a credible bridge-builder in an increasingly polarized world. ― Reuters pic Turkey's role in global and regional stability Turkey's growing reputation as a global mediator is another critical asset. In the Russia-Ukraine conflict, Turkey has played a pivotal role — hosting rounds of peace talks, brokering the Black Sea Grain Initiative, and serving as one of the few NATO members that maintains a functioning relationship with both Kyiv and Moscow. President Erdoğan's ability to speak directly with Presidents Putin and Zelenskyy, while simultaneously working with Western allies, is a testament to Turkey's status as a credible bridge-builder in an increasingly polarized world. For Asean, which has often been caught between competing major powers — the United States and China, or Japan and South Korea — Turkey's calibrated diplomacy offers a valuable template and support structure. As and when Turkey can successfully balance its NATO obligations with cordial ties to Russia and China, its presence in the East Asia Summit would offer new dimensions of multilateral engagement, especially in times of crisis. Soft power and technological diplomacy Turkey is not merely a military or diplomatic actor. Its soft power has expanded through Turkish television dramas, cultural centers, humanitarian diplomacy, and public education initiatives in Africa, the Balkans, and Central Asia. In East Asia, Turkish Airlines is already a household name, connecting multiple Asean capitals with Istanbul and beyond. TİKA, the Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency, has quietly engaged in development and humanitarian projects in the region, further laying the groundwork for deeper cooperation. Moreover, Turkey's rise as a drone superpower — especially with the globally recognized Bayraktar TB2 drones — has implications for the growing security-industrial aspirations of Asean member states. Countries like Malaysia, Indonesia, the Philippines, and Vietnam are already in the process of modernizing their maritime and aerial defenses. Turkey's unmanned aerial and maritime systems offer cost-effective, reliable alternatives to Western or Chinese technologies, without the geopolitical strings often attached. Realist grounds: Strategic balancing and security architecture From a realist perspective, Asean should include Turkey as a strategic dialogue partner to enhance its options in balancing external powers. Realism acknowledges that international relations are dictated by national interests, military capabilities, and the anarchic structure of the international system. In a context where China's influence is rising and U.S. commitment is questioned cyclically, Turkey provides Asean with another central-power actor capable of serving as a buffer and a balancer. Its NATO membership ensures it remains committed to a rules-based order, but its independence in foreign policy ensures that it does not automatically follow Washington's line. Turkey also commands one of the largest standing armies in the NATO alliance and maintains strong defense-industrial ties with South Korea, Pakistan, and increasingly with Southeast Asia. For a region like Asean that has been careful in not aligning militarily with any great power, but still needs to modernize its capabilities, Turkey offers a partner that is both capable and careful. Liberalist justifications: Trade, investment, and institutional partnerships From a liberal internationalist standpoint, the inclusion of Turkey serves Asean's goals of expanding open markets, rule-based institutions, and economic interdependence. Bilateral trade between Turkey and Asean exceeded USD 12 billion in 2023, with Turkey maintaining embassies in nearly all Asean capitals and free trade agreements in negotiation with Malaysia, Singapore, and Indonesia. Turkey has also expressed keen interest in joining the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), the world's largest free trade agreement centered around Asean. Institutionally, Turkey already has experience in regional multilateralism through its longstanding membership in the [G20], the D8 Organization for Economic Cooperation (with Malaysia and Indonesia), and as an observer to the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) Asean meetings. With diplomatic missions to the Asean Secretariat in Jakarta, and its constructive role in the [Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM)], Turkey's entry into East Asia's top diplomatic forum is a logical next step. Constructivist approach: Shared norms and civilizational bridges Constructivist theory in international relations emphasizes the role of ideas, identities, and norms. In this light, Turkey and Asean share important normative commitments. Both champion multilateralism, sovereignty, and dialogue over coercion. Turkey's strong Islamic heritage also makes it a natural partner for Muslim-majority Asean states like Indonesia, Malaysia, and Brunei, while its secular governance structure provides a bridge to non-Muslim Asean members. Culturally, Turkey's historical engagement with Southeast Asia dates back centuries — through the Ottoman Empire's ties with the Sultanates of Aceh, Patani, and Johor. These enduring civilizational linkages remain untapped reservoirs of shared memory that could be revived and institutionalized. Turkey's emphasis on intercivilizational dialogue, as seen in its promotion of the 'Alliance of Civilizations' initiative at the United Nations, aligns with Asean's aspirations to be the convener of diverse global powers. Institutionalism: Embedding Turkey into Asean's multilateral norms Institutionalist theory argues that international institutions are essential in shaping the behavior of states through norms, rules, and repeated interaction. By including Turkey in the East Asia Summit and recognizing it as a Strategic Dialogue Partner, Asean can embed Ankara into its institutional fabric. This would allow Turkey to adapt to Asean's core norms — non-interference, peaceful dispute settlement, and decision-making by consensus. Furthermore, Turkey can contribute to regional initiatives on disaster relief (via the Asean Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance), counterterrorism cooperation, and public health diplomacy. Without a doubt, Turkey can play a proactive and productive role in Asean's comprehensive security agenda. Turkey's Omni-Directional Foreign Policy: A Complement, Not a Contradiction Lastly, Turkey's omni-directional foreign policy — its ability to pursue multiple and sometimes contradictory alignments — is not a liability but a strength. Rather than viewing Turkey as 'Janus-faced,' Asean should see Turkey as embodying precisely the kind of agility that is needed in today's fragmented global order. Asean itself has long practiced an equidistant diplomacy between the U.S., China, the EU, and other powers. Turkey's inclusion would only reinforce this balanced approach. Indeed, Turkey's relationship with China, Japan, and South Korea — three Asean Dialogue Partners — are all on solid footing. Ankara's ability to maintain working ties with Beijing on the Belt and Road Initiative, while opposing Chinese policies in Xinjiang on human rights grounds, reflects the kind of normative pragmatism that Asean itself often deploys. Conclusion: A case for inclusion, not exclusion As Asean reconsiders its diplomatic architecture in an era of power transition and fragmentation, Turkey stands out as a compelling candidate for Strategic Dialogue Partnership and East Asia Summit inclusion. Its geographic centrality, military and technological capabilities, cultural and religious affinities, as well as its record of responsible diplomacy, all make it an indispensable partner for Asean's future. The question is no longer why Asean should engage Turkey, but how soon. Waiting any longer would be to miss the opportunity to bring a rising and responsible power into the fold — one that can help Asean navigate a world increasingly defined by uncertainty, rivalry, and complexity. * Phar Kim Beng is a professor of Asean Studies and Director of the Institute of Internationalization and Asean Studies at the International Islamic University of Malaysia ** This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of Malay Mail.

Century-old Dr Mahathir cycles, celebrates… then checks into IJN; son Mokhzani says just tired (VIDEO)
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Century-old Dr Mahathir cycles, celebrates… then checks into IJN; son Mokhzani says just tired (VIDEO)

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Govt considering mandatory 'AI generated' label under Online Safety Act, says Fahmi
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