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Ivory Coast president announces bid for fourth term after changing constitution

Ivory Coast president announces bid for fourth term after changing constitution

Leader Live6 days ago
His candidacy is contested after he changed the constitution to remove the presidential term limit.
The 83-year-old president declared his plan in a televised announcement.
He won a third term in 2020 after he initially said he was not going to run again.
However, he changed his position following the death of his hand-picked successor, Prime Minister Amadou Gon Coulibaly.
'For several months, I have received numerous calls from fellow citizens regarding my potential candidacy in the presidential election,' the president said.
Referring to the country by its name in French, he went on: 'Women and young people from all regions of Cote d'Ivoire, and countless anonymous voices from our neighbourhoods, towns and villages have reached out.
'In response to those appeals, I announced on June 22 that, as president of all Ivorians, I would, after careful reflection, make a decision guided solely by the best interest of the nation.'
His most prominent rival, Tidjane Thiam, has already been barred from running by a court on the grounds that he was still a French citizen at the time he declared his candidacy, even though he later renounced his French nationality. Ivorian law bans dual nationals from running for president.
Elections in Ivory Coast have usually been fraught with tension and violence. When Mr Ouattara announced his third term bid, several people were killed in the ensuing violence. There have been protests against the court's decision to bar Mr Thiam from contesting the election.
Mr Ouattara is the latest among a growing number of leaders in West Africa who remain in power by changing the constitutional term limit.
Coup leaders in the region have used alleged corruption within democratic governments and electoral changes as a pretext to seize power, leading to a split in the regional bloc, Ecowas.
'For those critical of Ecowas and civilian governments, Ouattara's decision just reinforces the legitimacy crisis everyone in the region is facing. It makes people like Ouattara look like hypocrites,' Nat Powell, Africa analyst at Oxford Analytica, told the Associated Press.
Mr Ouattara's candidacy drew strong criticism from opposition members.
'Alassane Ouattara does not want to leave power — like any self-respecting dictator,' Guillaume Soro, a former prime minister who was blocked from running in the election, said.
Affi N'guessan, a candidate of the opposition Ivorian Popular Front, called Mr Ouattara's candidacy 'illegal' but said he is confident that 'a united opposition will defeat him at the polls'.
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Hamas videos of emaciated Israeli hostages spark international condemnation
Hamas videos of emaciated Israeli hostages spark international condemnation

ITV News

time10 hours ago

  • ITV News

Hamas videos of emaciated Israeli hostages spark international condemnation

World leaders and international aid groups have joined Israel in condemning Hamas' release of videos showing two hostages in emaciated states. The videos sparked outrage in Israel and piled pressure on the government to secure the release of the hostages by any means necessary. Tens of thousands of protesters joined a rally in Tel Aviv on Saturday evening – some holding placards reading 'Stop the war' and 'Leave no one behind' – as they called for Netanyahu to strike a deal that would free the Israeli hostages still held in Gaza. Videos released by the militant groups Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad last week showed hostages Evyatar David and Rom Braslavski in a visibly fragile state. Mr David's family have given permission for the media to use the video of him being held by Hamas. On Sunday, the International Red Cross (ICRC) in Israel and the Occupied Territories said that it was 'appalled' by the videos and urged that the 'dire situation must come to an end.' 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Allowing Red Cross access would be a shift for Hamas, which has previously opposed any access to the hostages by the humanitarian group. The ICRC, which has only facilitated previous releases of hostages throughout the war, said in March that it was 'hugely disappointing' to have not yet been able to visit any hostages so far, emphasising that it was not for lack of trying. Recent ceasefire talks have borne little fruit, with Israeli and US negotiators recalled from negotiations last month. US Special Envoy Steve Witkoff at the time blamed Hamas for poor coordination and 'lack of desire to reach a ceasefire,' saying the US would consider 'alternative options.' On Sunday, Netanyahu cited the latest images of Hamas captives as evidence of bad faith. 'When I see this, I understand exactly what Hamas wants. They don't want a deal. They want to break us with these horrifying videos, with the false horror propaganda they're spreading around the world,' he said. The Israeli leader is now 'pushing for the freeing of the hostages through military defeat (of Hamas),' one Israeli official told CNN on Sunday – a route that the hostages' families have repeatedly warned against. As Israel's war in Gaza grinds on, it has faced increasing resistance from the Israeli public, whose frustration over the fates of the remaining hostages has intensified. According to polling released by the Israel Democracy Institute during a ceasefire period in March, more than 70% of Israelis supported negotiating with Hamas for an end to the fighting and an Israeli withdrawal from Gaza in exchange for the release of the remaining hostages. Fifty hostages remain in Gaza, at least 20 of whom are believed to be alive. The hostages' families have repeatedly urged Netanyahu to strike a deal, warning that Red Cross assistance alone will not be enough, and that further expansion of the fighting in Gaza could endanger the remaining hostages' lives. 'Netanyahu is preparing the greatest deception of all. The repeated claims of freeing hostages through military victory are a lie and a public fraud,' Israel's Hostages and Missing Families Forum said in a statement on Sunday. The group also condemned Hamas, saying it 'cannot hide the fact that we are dealing with an evil terrorist organisation that has been holding innocent people in impossible conditions for over 660 days.' Hamas publicly insists that it remains committed to hostage release talks – but only if conditions in Gaza improve first.

Half of Brits want another EU referendum in five years - as Brexit support slumps
Half of Brits want another EU referendum in five years - as Brexit support slumps

Daily Mirror

timea day ago

  • Daily Mirror

Half of Brits want another EU referendum in five years - as Brexit support slumps

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How Britain lost the status game
How Britain lost the status game

New Statesman​

time3 days ago

  • New Statesman​

How Britain lost the status game

Photo by Stefan Rousseau/AFP I've always been a bit puzzled by the 1956 Suez Crisis. The idea of Britain, France and Israel plotting together but being defeated by the honest, righteous Americans does feel, nearly a lifetime later, a little strange. But the most baffling thing about the Suez Crisis is the idea that it was a crisis. It's always described as this a great national humiliation which ruined a prime minister, the sort of watershed to inspire national soul-searching, state-of-the-nation plays and a whole library of books. And yet, compared to the sort of thing which literally every other European country had to deal with at some point in the 20th century, it's nothing. Britain was not invaded or occupied; Britain did not see its population starve. Britain simply learned that it was no longer top dog. That's all. The event and the reaction don't seem to go together. But this, of course, is to see the world from the perspective of today. Now, we all know that Britain cannot just do what it wants – that the US is the far more powerful player. At the start of 1956, though, large chunks of the map were still coloured British pink (or, come to that, French bleu), and the median opinion at home was that this was broadly a good thing. Suez was the moment when the loss of status we now date to 1945 came home. I wonder, in my darker moments, if we're going through something similar now – a less dramatic decline, perhaps, but a potentially more ruinous one. The loss of empire, after all, was mainly an issue for the pride of the political classes. Today's decline in status affects everyone. Consider the number of areas in which the current British government seems utterly helpless before the might of much bigger forces. It's not quite true to say that Rachel Reeves has no room for manoeuvre – breaking a manifesto pledge and raising one of the core taxes remains an option, albeit one that would be painful for government and taxpayer alike. But her borrowing and spending options are constrained by the sense of a bond market both far flightier than it once was, thanks to an increase in short term investors, and less willing, post-Truss, to give Britain the benefit of the doubt. The thing that much of the public would like Reeves to do – spend more, without raising taxes – is a thing it is by no means clear she has the power to do. Over in foreign policy, Keir Starmer has offended sensibilities by making nice with someone entirely unfit to be president of the United States, and whose actions place him a lot closer to the dictators of the 20th century than to Eisenhower or JFK. The problem for Starmer is that saying this out loud would likely result in ruinous tariffs, or the collapse of NATO before an alternative system for the defence of Europe can be prepared, or both. Again, he has no space to do what his voters want him to do. In the same vein, consider the anger about Britain's failure to act to prevent the horrors still unfolding in Gaza. It is not to imply the government has handled things well to suggest that at least part of the problem is that – 69 years on from Suez – the government of Israel doesn't give a fig about what the government of Britain thinks. The things the public wants may be outside the realm of things the government can actually deliver. Subscribe to The New Statesman today from only £8.99 per month Subscribe Even in less overtly political realms, the British state feels helplessly at the mercy of global forces beyond its control. The domestic TV industry, a huge British export, is in crisis thanks to the streamers. AI will change the world, we're told, and it's very possible that isn't a good thing: and what is Westminster supposed to do about that? And with which faculties? In all these areas and a thousand more, people want their government to do something to change the direction of events, and it is not at all obvious it can. Ever since 2016, British politics has been plagued by a faintly Australian assumption that, if a prime minister is not delivering, you should kick them out and bring in the next one. That is not the worst impulse in a democracy. But what if Britain is so changed that delivery is not possible? Researchers have found that social status affects the immune system of certain types of monkey – that the stress of lower status can, quite literally, kill. It already looks plausible the electorate might roll the dice on Nigel Farage. This is terrifying enough. But when it turns out he can't take back control either, but only trash what's there – what then? [See more: Trump in the wilderness] Related

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