Letters to The Editor — July 22, 2025
The monsoon session of Parliament shows signs of it being a stormy affair, with the Opposition prepared to raise pressing issues related to national security, electoral transparency and foreign affairs. The list of concerns is long and serious. Matters affecting the dignity of our armed forces, questions of sovereignty, and continuing instability in border States demand clarity from the highest office. Avoiding direct engagement only fuels speculation and public distrust.
However, responsibility does not rest solely with the ruling party. The Opposition must ensure that discussions remain focused, informed and respectful. National interest must prevail over political point-scoring. The days ahead will be watched to see whether this session moves forward or sinks into yet another cycle of unproductive confrontation.
Rukma Sharma,
Jalandhar, Punjab
Justice Varma should speak
Right from the time stacks of money were unearthed from the residence of Justice Yashwant Varma, mystery shrouds the case. The unusual confidence exhibited by Justice Varma, stoutly challenging his indictment and now seeking to quash the impeachment recommendation, has baffled the public. Is there more to it than meets the eye? Was the money kept at the judge's residence for safe keeping? If Justice Varma is innocent, he should make an indisputable statement about who the real owner is. At stake is the credibility and the sanctity of the judiciary.
Tharcius S. Fernando,
Chennai
V.S. Achuthanandan
V.S. Achuthanandan was a true Marxist idealogue and lived as a proletariat leader till the end. He was one of the rarest leaders to have struggled for the downtrodden. With his clean image, his political life was written in golden letters. His passing has created a void in the political spectrum of great leaders.
J. Radhakrishna Kurup,
Ettumanoor, Kottayam, Kerala
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
The Print
4 hours ago
- The Print
Age did not mellow Achuthanandan's spirit. When Left veteran slammed Rahul Gandhi as ‘Amul baby'
Rising from a working class background in Alappuzha's Punnapra, Achuthanandan had to give up on school education in the seventh grade, when his father passed away. He began assisting his elder brother in a cloth shop and, by the time the Second World War broke out in 1939, a young Achuthanandan was a factory worker at Aspinwall Company. With the socio-political events of the day significantly influencing him, VS took membership of the Travancore State Congress then. Communist stalwart and former Kerala chief minister, Velikkakathu Sankaran Achuthanandan, or simply VS, passed away at the ripe old age of 101, on 21 July. A recounting of his political career would also be a brief chronicle of Kerala's political history, or at least one-half of it. Thiruvananthapuram: In the early to mid-2000s, the chant 'Kanne Karale VS-se' (VS, our beloved) was heard wherever went. People couldn't get enough of the veteran Marxist in an era when the news channels were nascent. The defining moment of Achuthanandan's eight decade-long political career was his reinvention from a dour apparatchik to a mass leader at the turn of the millennium. However, VS would soon be enchanted with the Communist ideology. At the age of 17 in 1940, he was recruited to the Communist Party of India (CPI) by taluk secretary Simon. In 1943, after attending the first state conference of the CPI, VS came under the tutelage of comrade Pillai, who convinced him to plunge full time into the Communist movement. As a rookie, VS was tasked with setting up communist party units in Kuttanad, and he returned to Alappuzha only after successfully accomplishing that. His role in the 1946 Punnapra-Vayalar uprising remains contested. Notwithstanding that, VS rose through the ranks to become the CPI's youngest district secretary in 1956. He played an instrumental role in the victory of the CPI in the first election held in Kerala in 1957. Com. V.S. Achuthanandan was a rare breed of a leader: From the ranks of manual coir workers of Alleppey he rose to become the CM of Kerala. His was a lifelong struggle for social justice, labour rights and land reforms. He is one of the key architects of egalitarian Kerala. — Thomas Isaac (@drthomasisaac) July 22, 2025 Achuthanandan was among the 32 leaders to walk out of the CPI national council in 1964 to become a founder-member of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), or CPI (M). His electoral debut from Ambalappuzha in 1965 ended in defeat. He went on to taste success in the following two elections in 1967 and 1970 from the same constituency, even if he lost in 1977. When became the CPI (M)'s pick for chief ministership in 1980, Achuthanandan succeeded him as the state secretary, holding on to it until 1992. As secretary, VS was a stickler for rules and held the party together with when rising star put forth the alternate document in 1985—leading to the Kannur strongman's expulsion. VS versus EMS Achuthanandan's ideological clarity meant that when Namboodiripad came around to Raghavan's view on doing business with parties such as Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) and the Church-backed Kerala Congress, he steadfastly held on to it. This was even after he narrowly missed out on being the chief minister in 1991 when Nayanar called for early elections to coincide with the Lok Sabha polls. A consensus was reached to switch the roles of Nayanar and Achuthanandan beforehand. The CPI (M)'s overconfidence was driven by its sweep of the district council polls, but Rajiv Gandhi's assassination swung that election in favour of the Congress. VS always found himself at one end of the factionalism in the Kerala unit of the CPI (M) that took root in the early nineties and ebbed and flowed until 2016. It was Achuthanandan's loss to Nayanar by two votes in the 1991 CPI (M) state conference in Kozhikode that served as a trigger for factionalism to initiate in the Kerala unit of the CPI (M). While the Cold War officially ended in 1991, another sort of war was brewing between VS and Namboodiripad in Kerala. Even before he officially stood down as the CPI (M) general secretary in 1992, Namboodiripad shifted from New Delhi to Thiruvananthapuram. This created a new power centre and that made VS uneasy, as recounted by Communist ideologue and senior journalist 'Berlin' Kunhanandan Nair, in his memoir 'Polichezhuthu'. In fact, the loss of Achuthanandan to Nayanar as state secretary was orchestrated by Namboodiripad himself. EMS suggested a couple of changes to the official panel put forth by VS, and that ensured that he lost the majority in the committee. A bitter Achuthanandan tried to get even by handing over a letter to which read like a charge sheet against Namboodiripad, as recounted by the then Left convener in his recently-published autobiography, 'Ormacheppu Thurakkumbol'. VS continued to stand firm against the entry of the IUML-splinter Indian National League, even as Namboodiripad was all for it. VS tried to get back at the powerful 'CITU lobby' backing Namboodiripad in the CPI (M) state conference in 1995. VS fielded 14 'rebels' against the official panel, but that operation didn't go entirely according to his script. Lawrence, who led the 'CITU lobby', managed to make the state committee by a solitary vote, and that too following a recount, as narrated in his memoir. Also Read: A Kerala bellwether is voting. Why CM Pinarayi Vijayan has staked all in Nilambur Mararikulam loss & Vetti-nirathal All these factors contributed to Achuthanandan's shock loss in Mararikulam in 1996, which thwarted his second shot at chief ministership. In the ensuing CPI (M) state committee, Namboodripad and the CITU faction backed Susheela Gopalan as chief minister. However, VS combined with the 'Kannur lobby' to orchestrate Nayanar's ascension, assisted by Pinarayi Vijayan. But that was hardly a consolation for Achuthanandan, who vowed to decimate the CITU faction. A showdown was set for the CPI (M) state conference in 1998. Vetti-nirathal (slaughter)–that's how most vernacular dailies of Kerala described the events that transpired at Palakkad. The term 'vetti-nirathal' owed its origin to the anti-reclamation stir launched by the Kerala State Karshaka Thozhilali Union—the CPI (M)'s farm workers' outfit—under Achuthanandan's leadership at Kuttanad in 1996-97. The modus operandi involved Marxist cadres going berserk destroying plantain and tapioca crops at will in farms. The CITU faction was almost entirely culled from the CPI (M) state committee in Palakkad, leading to the losses of veterans Lawrence, and among others. Namboodiripad took it up with the central leadership, although he passed away in 1998 before the 16th Party Congress that year in Calcutta. Achuthanandan took over as Left Convener when a humiliated Lawrence stepped down, and his clout within the CPI (M) was at its peak at this point. Recasting anew In 2001, the Congress made a comeback, and VS took over as Leader of Opposition (LoP) for a second time. Even before that his loyalists zeroed in on Malampuzha as a safe seat for the veteran. The chant 'Kanne Karale VS-se' (VS, our eye-liver-kidney) made its debut during this campaign. The 78-year-old underwent a complete change of image now, resonating with a fresh generation of voters. Achuthanandan was particularly vocal on gender issues, rights of the marginalised and environment. His anti-corruption crusade complemented it further. Not since earned the sobriquet 'Pavangalude Padathalavan' (leader of the poor masses) had a communist leader endeared himself to Kerala's public so much. However, this phase heralded Achuthanadan's bitter rivalry with Vijayan, who became another power centre after assuming the role of state secretary in 1998. The next episode in factionalism tumbled out in public during the Kannur state conference in 2002. This manifested as a clash of ideologies between the Marxist-Leninist ideals represented by VS and the revisionist line of Vijayan. This phase witnessed another realignment within the CPI (M) unit as VS made truce with a weakened CITU faction for outmanoeuvring Vijayan. Ahead of the Malappuram state conference in 2005, Achuthanandan was supremely confident of replacing Vijayan with his nominee as state secretary, but that was not to be. Many leaders who professed loyalty to VS switched camps overnight and it was the veteran's turn to be vanquished. He, however, still held sway over the party in districts like Ernakulam, Pathanamthitta, Kasaragod and Palakkad, even if Alappuzha and Idukki came under Vijayan's grasp. His humiliation at the state conference only bolstered his image in public. A section of Kerala's media, inadvertently or otherwise, played a role in elevating VS as a paragon of virtues, casting Vijayan as the villain of the piece. Vijayan's arrogant ways did not help his cause either, and this gradually built up to the showdown in 2006 when VS was denied a seat. By then Vijayan had a firm ally in CPI (M) general secretary Prakash Karat. In an impromptu expression of solidarity, Marxist cadres took to the streets demanding that VS be fielded. The huge public outcry and fear of electoral setback forced CPI (M)'s hand and the politburo met to overturn the decision. Achuthanandan was instrumental in getting the central leadership to veto Vijayan's proposal to ally with the Democratic Indira Congress ahead of that election. Notwithstanding that, the Left's victory in 2006, registering almost 50 percent vote share, was its most authoritative since 1967. Vijayan attempted to thwart Achuthanandan's chief ministership even after the historical win by putting forth the name of Left convener Paloli Muhammed Kutty instead. But, the central leadership backed VS for the post that he missed twice. That didn't prevent the state unit under Vijayan from clipping the wings of VS, first by taking the home portfolio away from him and reposing it with the former's trusted loyalist, Kodiyeri Balakrishnan. Even the Vigilance portfolio was also taken away on account of fears that he would settle scores. The party under Vijayan kept the CM on a short leash, even controlling the day-to-day functioning of the government. VS could not even nominate his loyalists as private secretary, and any government file was within Vijayan's reach. That did not prevent him from running an efficient administration, and the term was marked by significant legislations of the kind the Left hadn't undertaken since the '80s, including the Kerala Conservation of Paddy Land and Wetland Act, 2008, a logical conclusion to Achuthanandan-initiated aforementioned Vetti-nirathal. Meanwhile, factionalism was at its peak after the Kottayam state conference in 2008 when Vijayan at the concluding event shouted at the cadres 'to not behave as if Usha Uthup's music show was underway', visibly peeved at the sloganeering in favour of VS. Also Read: Now at steering wheel, MA Baby has to navigate the believers' road, Pinarayi's grip on CPI(M) Denial of mandate in 2011 At the height of factionalism in 2009, VS snubbed the Vijayan-led Nava Kerala March preceding the Lok Sabha elections, until the concluding event held in Thiruvananthapuram. Vijayan's jibe at VS by likening him to a bucket of water unlike the waves formed in the ocean, was a sharp rejoinder to the veteran. Achuthanandan hit back at Vijayan by drawing comparison with Mikhail Gorbachev and the revisionist practices leading to the Soviet Union's fall. When VS publicly disowned Vijayan on the SNC-Lavalin case–going against the state committee's decision to back Vijayan–it was deemed breach of party discipline, resulting in his removal from the CPI (M) politburo in 2009. Vijayan was spared of any action, with Karat backing the Kannur strongman all the way. Achuthanandan was never reinstated to the CPI (M)'s highest body. According to the likes of N. Venu, who floated the splinter Revolutionary Marxist Party (RMP) along with in 2008, VS was flirting with the idea of splitting the party during this phase. This has also been echoed by the likes of Nair and others who willed VS to chart a new course, but it was a bridge too far for the veteran who bent the rules never to break them. There were overtures also from the CPI but Achuthanandan was always careful of his legacy. VS saw how the likes of and Raghavan faded to relative insignificance after charting independent courses. In 2011, the Achuthanandan government lost the Kerala elections by a wafer-thin margin of 68-72. There have been covert and overt barbs of internal sabotage aimed at Vijayan for that outcome since then, most recently when Achuthanandan's ministerial colleague conveyed it through a poem in Kalakaumudi weekly. Achuthanandan got a third term as the LoP, lasting until 2016. His final term as Kerala LoP was no less eventful. The brutal hacking of RMP's Chandrasekharan, a VS loyalist, in 2012 further widened the rift with Vijayan. When the media sought his comment following the dastardly attack on Chandrasekharan, Vijayan doubled down by stating that 'a traitor is always a traitor'. Notwithstanding the party's embargo on visiting the slain leader's home, VS called on Chandrasekharan's widow (now, the MLA from Vadakara) and consoled her under the glare of television cameras. That day, 6 June, was a crucial one, as a by-election was underway in Neyyattinkara. VS described Chandrasekharan as a 'courageous communist', unlike Vijayan's inhuman remark. By the time the 2014 Lok Sabha election got underway, the dissipation of the VS faction in the Kerala unit was complete, and the Alappuzha state conference in 2015 saw Vijayan's domination peak. Walk-out from Alappuzha conference When a charge sheet listing Achuthananthan's transgressions was read out by Vijayan while presenting the organisational report, and a number of delegates spoke out against the Marxist veteran in a seemingly orchestrated exercise, VS left the venue in a huff. He did not return, even after Kodiyeri Balakrishnan–who took over as state secretary in 2015–tried damage control by sending former loyalists and Pillai as emissaries, to pacify him. Many saw it as symbolic of the parting of ways, but the veteran knew that he wasn't expendable for the CPI (M) until the 2016 election was won. It also helped that Sitaram Yechury, who always had a soft corner for VS, replaced Karat as the party general secretary. In 2016, VS led the Left electoral campaign. The party used the 92-year-old as its mascot and, in a way, it was his way of paying back the CPI (M). Fittingly, the Left front registered a resounding 91-seat victory in the 140-member Kerala Assembly. His aura suffered a jolt when television cameras caught him handing over a note to Yechury at the swearing-in of Vijayan demanding his rehabilitation as chairperson of the Administrative Council with Cabinet rank. The appointment of his son Kumar as assistant director of The Institute of Human Resources Development (IHRD) during his term as CM was another instance of the veteran failing to walk his lofty talk. Achuthanandan faded out from the public within a year of Vijayan's first term, even if he had promised to play the role of a Kavalal, or guard, in 2016. He wasn't keeping good health and did not campaign in 2019. The stroke VS suffered in 2020 along with the onset of Covid meant that he remained completely cut off from Kerala's public sphere. Single-minded pursuit, vengeance Achuthananthan never adopted a quid pro quo approach to political rivals, and was non-compromising in that respect. The antipathy did not necessarily affect personal equations, but he took the legal route to seek convictions in corruption cases. It was his personal crusade that ensured the conviction of Kerala Congress stalwart R. Balakrishna Pillai in the Edamalayar case, which, to this date, remains the only conviction of a Kerala politician in a corruption case. Former Kerala police chief Jacob Punnoose once revealed how Achuthanandan issued a verbal order to the then Crime Branch chief Vinson to arrest IUML's in the Ice-cream parlour scandal on the eve of the 2011 election. Paul had refused to carry out the order pending a written order from the CM. Like Chanakya's vow of vengeance, VS was known to exact vengeance on his rivals. He was as much a practitioner of realpolitik in the '80s and '90s as Pinarayi Vijayan is today. Apart from the infamous culling of the CITU faction, the way he dealt with even minor acts of defiance or indiscipline as state secretary would not tally with the public image that he is bestowed with today. CPI (M) stalwarts Pillai, A.P. Kurian, and even EMS Namboodiripad found themselves at the receiving end of Achuthanandan's disciplinary sword. It may not have led to political murders, but that is probably because VS hailed from Alappuzha and not Kannur. Achuthanandan was renowned for tit-for-tat political retorts. When Rahul Gandhi raked up his advanced age in the 2011 poll campaign, VS hit back at the Gandhi scion by dubbing him an 'Amul baby'. His war of words with Vijayan ran like a political soap opera for a decade. A theatrical orator, Achuthanandan had an electrifying effect on the audience. People came from far and wide to listen to his speeches. He had developed a distinct style of modulating words and sentences, which he attributed to his legacy of interactions with farm workers in Kuttanad. At the height of factionalism, even leaders firmly aligned to the Vijayan camp sought him out for their electoral campaigns. VS was a hero of the working class—unlike EMS Namboodiripad, born landlord calling himself the 'adopted son of the working class', or Vijayan, described by 'Berlin' Kunhanandan Nair as the 'adopted son of the capitalist class'. His reinvention from a hardliner to a mass leader to become a popular chief minister will always remain his abiding memory. Some politicians live long enough to become a villain or to witness their hard-earned legacy tarnished. In Achuthanandan's case, it may not be far-fetched to surmise that he hung around long enough to have political sainthood conferred upon him. (Edited by Tony Rai) Also Read: Nilambur isn't Kerala. UDF must look beyond Muslim votes to win 2026 polls
Deccan Herald
4 hours ago
- Deccan Herald
‘At least a year' before India-UK trade deal is operational
New Delhi: The Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) between India and the UK, signed in London on Thursday, will take at least a year to become operational, as it requires approval from the British Parliament, Commerce Secretary Sunil Barthwal said on Friday.'In the UK, it will take almost a year or so before it is ratified in Parliament,' Barthwal stated at a media said that the agreement must be approved by both houses of Parliament — the House of Commons and the House of Lords. There is also likely to be a select committee discussion on the issue. In India, the deal has already been approved by the Union Cabinet. No parliamentary approval is required here for free trade agreements to be to discussions with his British counterpart, Barthwal said the UK has expressed willingness to ratify the agreement in Parliament at the said that the British government, led by Prime Minister Keir Starmer, is keen on the early implementation of the to Barthwal, the Indian government would utilise the time for capacity building of exporters and other claimed that the deal would bring significant benefits to several labour-intensive sectors, including textiles, leather, footwear and gems & will India's auto, farm sectors benefit from UK trade deal?.'Four times concessions'On the auto sector, Barthwal said, 'India has secured market access to the tune of four times the concessions given to the UK on electric vehicles in the British market.'The Society of Indian Automobile Manufacturers (SIAM), which represents major vehicle and vehicular engine manufacturers in the country, welcomed the agreement, saying that it would open new trade opportunities across industries.'The commitments made by the Government of India on automobile sector tariffs strike a thoughtful balance — addressing consumer interests while supporting the broader goals of Indian industry,' said Shailesh Chandra, SIAM who is also the Managing Director of Tata Passenger Vehicles, added, 'We view this agreement as part of a wider strategic engagement and believe it opens new avenues for collaboration and opportunity with a key global partner.'Commerce Secretary Barthwal clarified that no concessions would be given to the UK in the import of electric, hybrid and hydrogen-powered vehicles in the first five years of the implementation of the deal.'Market access in EV is given mostly in the high price segment of vehicles priced above 80,000 British pounds,' he said.
Time of India
4 hours ago
- Time of India
Opposition motion in RS to oust Justice Varma was submitted, not admitted
NEW DELHI: The Lok Sabha will take up an all-party motion to remove Justice Yashwant Varma of Allahabad HC over the cash-in-house controversy. The opposition-sponsored notice for a similar motion in the Rajya Sabha hasn't been admitted. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now RS secretariat, after a mandatory scrutiny, didn't find it to be in "complete compliance with the procedure", sources said. Former Vice-President Jagdeep Dhankhar's move to allow the notice is believed to have caused unhappiness within the government. Now that it has been clarified that it was not admitted, it clears the way for LS Speaker Om Birla to choose three members of the probe panel, comprising CJI or an SC judge, an HC chief justice and a jurist, to probe the allegations of corruption against Varma. The RS chairperson would've had an equal say in the matter if RS secretariat ruled otherwise. All parties agree Varma ouster should be a joint call, says Rijiju The decision about Lok Sabha taking up the matter, announced by parliamentary affairs minister Kiren Rijiju, was followed by 152 members drawn from all political parties signing the motion. The issue is said to be at the core of former RS chairman and ex-Veep Jagdeep Dhankhar's abrupt resignation on Monday. Dhankhar had accepted the motion signed by 63 opposition members against Justice Yashwant Varma despite the decision at all-party meeting on Sunday that process for the removal of the judge should begin in the LS. Dhankhar's action of accepting opposition's notice is said to have set in motion a chain of events, murmurs of a "secret deal" and, crucially, a move by BJP-led coalition to signal their loss of trust in the Chairman, leading to his surprise exist on "health grounds". Rijiju reiterated Friday that there was a unanimous decision of all political parties to move for the removal of Varma, asserting that the Lok Sabha will take up the motion. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now The minister said all political parties had agreed that the removal of Justice Varma should be a joint call, adding that the proceedings will be taken up in the Lok Sabha and then moved to the Rajya Sabha, in line with the Judges (Inquiry) Act. "We shouldn't remain in any doubt; proceedings will begin in the Lok Sabha," he said. Section 3, sub-section (2) of the Act says, "If notices of motions for removal of a Judge are given on the same day in both Houses of Parliament, no committee shall be constituted unless the motion has been admitted in both Houses, and where such motion has been admitted in both Houses, the committee shall be constituted jointly by the speaker and the chairman."
