Freedom's Legacy; Honouring the Past, Shaping the Future

IOL News

02-05-2025

Mphumzi Mdekazi is the CEO of the Walter and Albertina Sisulu Foundation for Social Justice.
Image: Supplied
Address by Mphumzi Mdekazi, CEO of the Walter and Albertina Sisulu Foundation for Social Justice, to the BRICS Student Community, University of Zululand.
Chairperson, esteemed faculty members, students, BRICS family and comrades
It is both a privilege and a responsibility to join you during this Freedom Month — a time intended not only for commemoration, but for critical reflection. The theme before us, 'Freedom's Legacy: Honoring the Past, Shaping the Future', invites us to assess South Africa's democratic journey since 1994 and to interrogate, with intellectual honesty, the nature of the freedom we have inherited — and the future we are constructing.
Thirty years ago, South Africa captivated the world with its peaceful transition from apartheid to democracy. That moment was not the endpoint of struggle but rather, as Nelson Mandela reminded us, 'only the beginning of our long walk to freedom.'
The architects of our democratic order laid out a vision of inclusive political rights, redress for historical injustice, and a developmental state capable of transforming our socio-economic landscape.
But today, as we stand at the confluence of hope and frustration, we must ask: what has become of that vision? And more provocatively: has freedom as we imagined it been deferred, diluted, or even betrayed?
The Promise and Its Erosion
To answer this, we must confront uncomfortable truths. While the Constitution remains a remarkable achievement — a globally admired charter for human rights and democratic governance — constitutionalism alone has proven to be insufficient to deliver material socio-economic transformation. South Africa remains one of the most unequal societies in the world. Youth unemployment approaches 45%, and inequality, measured by the Gini coefficient, is structurally embedded. The liberation dividend has not reached the majority in any sustained or equitable way.
This is not merely a failure of policy; it is a deeper crisis on the lack of political will, glorified mediocrity, lack of institutional coherence, and paucity of ethical leadership at almost all levels.
Students as emerging young scholars yourselves, you will recall that Frantz Fanon warned in The Wretched of the Earth, that 'The national middle class discovers its historical mission: that of intermediary… It turns its back on the general masses, arrogantly ignores them, and ventures to seek its own salvation.'
Yes, it does because;
In post-apartheid South Africa, many of our political, economic and bureaucratic elites have indeed pursued a narrow, transactional nationalism, one that privileges elite incorporation over systemic transformation.
What then Went Wrong?
Firstly, the political settlement of the early 1990s, while remarkable for its avoidance of civil war, arguably represented a pacted transition rather than a revolutionary rupture. Property relations were largely preserved. The economic architecture inherited from apartheid — highly financialised, extractive, and externally oriented — was insufficiently challenged.
Neoliberal policy pivots such as GEAR (Growth, Employment and Redistribution) signalled an early retreat from redistribution and structural reform.
'This in my books is the first reason why the spirit of Ibrahim Traore must be born in you'.
Secondly, the state itself became a site not of capability and efficiency, but of capture. The Zondo Commission, while surgically negated white and apartheid crimes, it offered forensic insight into the anatomy of state capture — not merely an aberration but a symptom of deeper institutional decay. What shocked many was not just the scale of corruption, but the impunity that followed. Few high-profile prosecutions have materialised, in-fact no one has been jailed from that expensive exercise.
This failure to prosecute erodes trust in the criminal justice system and reinforces the cynicism of a generation already alienated from formal politics. This is deliberate to protect those implicated by that commission, and who occupy significant political positions. I characterise this as 'toxic political selectivity', to cover each other's back because it edifies the rot and stands in direct contrast to what our political forefathers stood for, it undermines every form of renewal.
'This in my books is the second reason why a spirit of Ibrahim Traore must be born in you', so that you practically challenge this entrenched selective justice.
Thirdly, there has been a steady erosion of democratic responsiveness. South Africa remains politically free, but many communities experience that freedom as thin and abstract. Elections occur regularly in what I call a 'ritualistic cycle', but the state often fails to deliver even the most basic services, as potholes are becoming fashionable across the country.
Democracy, in its procedural sense (ritualistic cycle), survives — but its substantive promise of dignity, equality, and accountability remains elusive. Could it be we have entrusted all these important developmental dimensions to people who are more worried about the next elective conferences or genuinely concerned about the future of our next generation? Only time will tell.
Remember, not a single young person is responsible for all these monumental failures and governance transgressions, and;
'this in my book is more of a third reason why the spirit of Ibrahim Traore must appropriately be born in you to demand what you rightfully deserve', (which is Your bright future as young people).
'A New Political Moment'?
We now find ourselves entering what may be a new political era: the formation of a Government of National Unity after the 2024 general elections marks a significant departure from three decades of single-party dominance. Does this moment hold promise?
Possibly not. This is because of the fact that, the glue that holds GNU together is primarily to shield Phala Phala scandal at all costs, which is currently a bargaining tool for some. That is why you don't hear anything around 'Anti-Corruption Charter from the vocab of their statement of intent, let alone targets and time frames on any of the proposed programs. The GNU foundation is currently fragile, not solid because it is centred around the protection of one man, not the country's needs. This view is opportunistically echoed by the former Chief Justice Zondo, when he recently spoke at an anti-corruption conference at Nelson Mandela University in Gqeberha.
Former Chief Justice Zondo had this to say, and I quote:
'The President's decision not to resign and clear his name over Phala Phala scandal undermined the fight against corruption and set a bad precedent for future heads of state facing allegations of serious misconduct, when you think about ethical leadership, there can be no doubt that if the President had insisted that he would resign and carried out that decision, he would have given this country an important tool to use against corruption and wrong doing because for any President after him, the nation would have been able to say should that president face serious allegations of wrongdoing, they should resign, that's what former Chief Justice Zondo said'.
What the former Chief Justice forgets is that he was the enabler of all this, as far to ensure that even the campaign documents are sealed even today.
Then the question arises; why is the former Chief Justice only raising this now, yet he had all the opportunity to raise it while he was still in the office, let alone ignoring calls from South Africans who originally shared this view, such as Judge Sandile Ngcobo? This is intellectual dishonesty from Judge Zondo's side. It is sanctimonious duty for intellectuals to heal societies with their ink by consistently speaking truth to power when it matters most.
Maybe on the other hand that is why proponents of GNU must resist the temptation to romanticize consensus and avoid truth telling because of 'temporary packs'.
A legitimate and genuine GNU is not inherently virtuous. Its value lies in whether it can arrest institutional decay, cultivate ethical leadership, and deliver inclusive growth. It must be judged not by its symbolism, but by its outcomes — particularly for young people, who remain structurally marginalised.
As intellectuals, we must also ask: does the GNU signify merely a tactical alliance to preserve elite stability? The answer is unclear, but the question must be posed. If GNU is all about the 'markets', then that's a sufficient 'fourth reason why an Ibrahim Traore is now demanded from you as Young People'.
The Role of BRICS: Global Alignments, Local Impacts
One would foretell that BRICS was a foregone economic embryonic block in spiritual thought, given the foresight and the benefit of hindsight from the efforts of our political forebears. Inevitably BRICS was going to be born; Walter Sisulu's meeting with Chairman Mao in China and later his meeting accompanied by Mama Albertina Sisulu to President Mikhail Gorbarchev on October Revolution day in Kremlin (Russia), had all the hallmarks of foresightedness and visionary leadership for an alternative global economic bloc. The theme of their visit was Soviet Afro- Asian Solidarity.
This means that South Africa's role in BRICS was originally framed as part of a new geopolitical narrative — one where emerging powers might recalibrate global governance in favor of the Global South. In theory, BRICS offers an alternative to Western hegemony and a platform for multipolarity. But has BRICS delivered?
The reality is mixed. South Africa's engagement in BRICS has yielded important political capital, but its material benefits — in trade, investment, or technology transfer — have been limited. Moreover, BRICS itself is not ideologically coherent: its members include both democratic and authoritarian regimes, capitalist and state-controlled economies. Without a shared vision for justice and development, BRICS risks becoming an empty acronym.
For BRICS to serve as an agent of global equity, South Africa must use its seat at the table to advocate not just for state interests, but for the interests of African people — particularly the youth. This demands clarity of purpose, diplomatic agility, and moral courage.
On Youth and Leadership
In this context, the emergence of young African leaders such as Ibrahim Traoré of Burkina Faso has provoked interest and controversy. His rise has galvanised many young people who feel disillusioned with post-independence leadership across the continent. He is using his charisma and popular engagement to effect institutional reform and advance constitutional governance. His rhetoric is bold and intellectually rigorous.
Still, Traoré's emergence speaks to a generational hunger for rupture — for a decisive break with stagnation, corruption, and neocolonial dependence. South African youth are similarly searching for alternatives: not merely new leaders, but new paradigms. This is the intellectual and political challenge before us — to re-imagine and build democratic forms that are participatory, equitable, and emancipatory.
History is teaching us that not all democracies and democratic elections are for the people, and not all democratic elections produce democratic leaders nor do they produce democratic dispensations. Similarly, history now teaches us that not all coups are bad nor do some of them produce bad national leadership, the world and its systems are in motion; a case in point is what we are witnessing in the Sahel Region (Burkina Faso, Niger and Mali).
Is Democracy Alpha and Omega?
Which brings us to a final provocation: Is democracy the alpha and omega of our struggle?
Democracy, as we have practiced it, is necessary — but not sufficient. It provides the procedural architecture for freedom, but not its content. We must distinguish between democracy as ritual (elections, speeches, consultations) and democracy as lived experience (access to economic opportunity, basic services, voice, and agency).
As the late Prof. Mahmood Mamdani has argued, the postcolonial state often reproduces colonial logics unless deliberately reconstructed. We cannot content ourselves with forms if they are hollowed of substance. In this case, we don't need to go far; let us just go to the Western Cape in Khayelitsha, either in Site C, Nkanini, Mfuleni or Philippi etc and see the plight of a black man there, we are told that's where democracy thrives or you may want to gauge the impact and effectiveness of our 'democratic GNU'.
True democracy must be redistributive. It must be feminist. It must be ecological. It must be pan-African in outlook. And above all, it must be centred on the aspirations of youth — not merely as future leaders, but as present-day citizens. Probably that's more the reason we urgently need a Traore than a Zelenskyy in our shores, or more Traores in the African Continent for that matter.
Conclusion: A Generational Mandate
Let me end with the words of Kwame Nkrumah: 'The independence of Ghana is meaningless unless it is linked up with the total liberation of the African continent.' Likewise, our political freedom is incomplete without social and economic liberation.
This is your generational mandate, as students of Zululand University, it should all begin here. Not merely to inherit democracy, but to deepen it. Not merely to oppose corruption, but to build competence. Not merely to critique the world, but to re-imagine and rebuild it.
You are not too young. You are not too late. The time is now. The tools are in your hands — knowledge, organisation, solidarity and focus. Let this be the decade in which South African youth reclaims the democratic project, not as dogma, but as an evolving expression of socio-economic justice.
Let us not betray the legacy of freedom by settling for survival. Let us honour it by building a future worthy of the struggle that gave us life.
In the words of Amílcar Cabral: "Let us not betray the legacy of freedom by settling for survival. Let us honour it by building a future worthy of the struggle that gave us life. Freedom is not a trophy to be hoarded. It is a flame to be passed on — not as ashes, but as fire.'
I thank you.
* Address by Mphumzi Mdekazi, CEO of the Walter and Albertina Sisulu Foundation for Social Justice, to the BRICS Student Community, University of Zululand.
** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL or Independent Media.