Possible reduction of SNAP Program raises alarms for Virginia foodbank
The cuts would result in 9.5 million meals lost every year, according to Feeding America, and would strain foodbanks like the Foodbank of Southeastern Virginia and the Eastern Shore which are already stretched thin.
'Food banks cannot fill the gap left by cuts to federal nutrition programs like SNAP,' said Christopher Tan, President and CEO of the Foodbank of Southeastern Virginia and the Eastern Shore. 'SNAP is our country's first line of defense against hunger.'
The bill, which passed with a vote of 215-214, would include major changes such as:
Shifting a portion of SNAP costs to states
Expanding work requirements up to age 64 and to parents of children over age seven
Capping future benefit increases by making Thrifty Food Plan updates revenue neutral
'If the Senate does not remove these harmful provisions, we will see longer lines, more families in crisis, and increased pressure on our network of community partners,' Tan explained.
The bill also included a proposed $625 billion in cuts to Medicaid, which would cause at least 7.6 million people to lose health coverage by 2034, according to budget analysts.
'We are asking our local community to join us in contacting their Senators during this critical time,' Tan added. 'This is not just about policy, it's about people. And right now, people need support, not cuts.'
Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
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The Hill
29 minutes ago
- The Hill
We can't win the fight to end HIV if we cut funding and access to medication
The fight to end HIV in our lifetimes just received a game-changing innovation. In June, the FDA approved Yeztugo (lenacapavir), a groundbreaking HIV prevention treatment that requires just two injections per year — and scored 99 percent effectiveness in trials. This monumental scientific breakthrough is poised to transform the lives of people who have found it hard to keep up with daily oral pre-exposure prophylaxis, providing an option that fits better into their everyday lives. But as exciting as this development is, it could be undermined by the Trump administration's proposal to cut nearly $1 billion from federal HIV prevention programs. Innovations like lenacapavir could be a key tool to ending the epidemic, but only if we have the resources and policy to deliver it directly to those who need them most. Although lenacapavir's efficacy is groundbreaking, access remains another story. With a price tag hovering around $28,000 a year, this medication risks being out of reach for the very communities who need it most. We're still waiting to see how programs managed by Gilead Sciences, which developed the treatments, and the broader insurance markets will step up. And it's not just the cost of the drug itself. It's the labs, the provider visits, the follow-ups — each one a potential roadblock for someone trying to stay safe. Federal leadership is essential to ensuring this new HIV prevention tool reaches the communities who need it most. This includes updating clinical guidelines, funding support services and supporting the infrastructure that makes access possible. Unfortunately, the Trump administration and the Republican majorities in Congress are putting access to lifesaving innovations at risk. The administration's attacks on HIV prevention, including its proposals to eliminate the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's HIV budget and efforts to dismantle public health systems, threaten progress. The Republican budget reconciliation bill that President Trump signed over the July 4 weekend includes deep cuts to Medicaid — the largest payer for HIV care in the U.S. Without strong federal investment and coordination, expanding access to new tools and ending the HIV epidemic is at serious risk. Despite the real strides we have made in HIV prevention, those of us in the lesbian, gay, and transgender community — especially non-white Southerners in rural areas or navigating poverty — know that not every prevention strategy reaches us, works for us, or is built with us in mind. Our realities demand options that reflect the full truth of who we are and how we live. Lenacapavir offers real, powerful hope, but let's be clear: Science alone won't save us. What will make the difference is equitable and intentional policies that center our communities and a public health infrastructure that doesn't leave us behind. These numbers don't shift on their own. Yes, we have made progress over time. But the hard truth is that Black Americans still account for 43 percent of all new HIV diagnoses in the U.S., despite being just 13 percent of the population. The data is even more stark for Black transgender women: 44 percent are living with HIV, and their lifetime risk remains unacceptably high. And we cannot ignore the geography of this epidemic. The South accounts for 52 percent of all new HIV diagnoses in the U.S. That's not a coincidence — it is the result of systemic failures: limited access to healthcare, persistent stigma, lack of comprehensive sex education and the absence of strong non-discrimination protections. These barriers don't just prevent care — they trap people in cycles where prevention tools are out of reach. Among gay and bisexual Black men, the risk of contracting HIV is still 50 percent over a lifetime. Prevention tools like pre-exposure prophylaxis and lenacapavir hold promise, but they only matter if people can actually access them, without fear, shame or coercion. Ending this epidemic means creating environments where people are safe to make informed choices about their own health. The fight to end the HIV epidemic is not just about what happens in labs — it's about how we make these innovations real for our communities. Science is doing its part. Now is the time to urge Congress to reject any cuts to CDC HIV prevention efforts and to fully fund the HIV response. We have the tools to end this epidemic, but not if we dismantle the very systems our communities rely on to survive. The promise of lenacapavir, and the hope it represents, is too great to let fall through the cracks of policy neglect. The question is, will we make the choice to ensure that this breakthrough reaches all of us? Science has given us the tools. Now, we must ensure that everyone has the opportunity to use them.
Buzz Feed
an hour ago
- Buzz Feed
People Who Switched Political Parties Explain Why They Left
Political affiliation in America is supposed to be a choice, but for most people, it functions more like inheritance — passed down through family, geography, and social networks without much active deliberation. Yet that assumed loyalty can fracture, sometimes gradually, sometimes in a single moment that forces a fundamental recalculation of where you actually stand. When u/Deimos7779 asked people who've switched political parties to explain what drove that shift, the responses revealed something deeper than personal conversion stories. They exposed the fault lines where personal experience collides with institutional politics — where the gaps between stated values and actual policy become impossible to ignore. From economic realities to military service to local governance, these accounts map the pressure points where political identity breaks down and rebuilds itself. Here's what pushed 29 people to abandon their political home — and what that says about the state of American democracy: "I was raised conservative, spent 27 years in the military. Got retirement jobs with other conservatives. I considered myself a moderate conservative. After I was laid off from a very well-paying job, I chose not to work. After a couple of months, I got bored and took a job stocking shelves in a local grocery store. Getting to know my coworkers REALLY opened my eyes. These folks were barely getting by. I mentioned I needed a root canal; their response was that it would be cheaper to get it pulled. Everyone was a paycheck away from homelessness, took multiple bus rides to and from work, and on Medicaid providers. I realized that a large portion of people were barely surviving, and things needed to change." "My stepmother had come from privilege and spent her life around privileged conservative Catholics. Then she decided to use her degree in psychology to help treat inmates and drug addicts. It took less than a month for her to realize the system really is rigged against the poor. All the criminals were born poor and never had a chance. Things she knew white people did and got a slap on the wrist for, she met multiple people of color serving long prison terms for. And this wasn't just based on their side either — she had all of their files and knew everything the state could know about them. Later, when she went to her church and started asking people to she had a crisis of faith for a bit, after no one wanted to live up to Jesus's ideals and help the poor." "My come-to-Jesus moment was when I found out some district in Pennsylvania (I think) was trying to end their free lunch program because too many kids were racking up debt. Some rich millionaire, a rags-to-riches kind of guy, offered to cover all the debt, but the superintendent refused, saying, 'The kids need to learn a lesson.' I flipped my shit so hard over that, I basically became radicalized instantly. I wasn't a hardcore Republican, but one of those edgy centrist types. Children being fed is my 101 principle. And if we, the richest nation, can't even give our kids a damn sandwich, then what the fuck are we doing?" "As a kid, my dad had a union job, so we were a few notches above poverty. I grew up hearing about lazy people, single moms, etc., but I was always told you'd make it if you just worked hard. While working low-end jobs, I met the hardest working people you can imagine, but things were never going to get better for them." "For me, it was because I was brought up as a fiscal and rule-of-law, constitutional-integrity conservative. As I got into my late 20s, I began to see that the Republican party was just as bad at blowing money and was worse at dealing with party member corruption (even before Trump). It was completely over when Trump got elected. I couldn't wrap my head around why anyone who was a conservative like me could EVER support Trump. It turns out that the number of people who actually care about the principles of an ideology is quite low. The vast majority is just, 'My tribe red, ug ug ug.'" "I grew up in a family that voted one way and one way only because 'that's what we do.' My mom even admitted that she picked her political party because that was what her great-grandmother — who died when she was a teen — picked. My mom still votes that way, but I don't think she realizes that her party is not what it originally was when she started voting. And if you listen to her long enough, you realize that her ideals don't align with them. But she will never admit that. Ironically, most of the family in my generation is the opposite of what our parents are." "I was a staunch Republican supporter in my youth because my dad was, because his dad was. But my first real experience with politics was watching the George H. Bush team tell me the sky was green ten times a day, and I realized these were not good people. My dad made the same decision at about the same time." "I moved from Republican to Independent because my party was ignoring and demonizing scientists and doctors in favor of religion and ideology, costing the lives and ruining the education of my fellow Americans." "As one of my coworkers said, 'I was a Reagan Republican my whole life. Now, I'm a fucking centrist, and my views haven't changed.'" "Voted Green to save the environment. Green Party won. Green Party did absolutely none of the things they promised and instead damaged the economy. Never voting for them again." "I was raised in a very conservative area, to the point that I remember being told the one girl in my grade who had Democratic parents was being abused because they were exposing her to those ideals. I naturally am an adventurer, so I went far away to college. Just meeting other people and cultures completely dismantled that entire structure within a year." "I went to college. Met new people and developed a profound sense of empathy. Going into the military later only strengthened my views." "I grew up in a conservative household in a red state. I then went to college and joined the Army, and that completely changed my view on social issues. What you do with your life isn't my concern. We all just want to be happy and loved. I vote left now (I also owe Obama a huge apology; he was a great president). I'm not happy with the Democratic Party either, but the right has lost their damn minds and I want no part of that." "After this last presidential election, I changed my party affiliation from Democratic to undeclared, not because I can see myself voting for a Republican, but because the Democratic Party needs to know that our confidence in them is badly damaged." "I realized I was voting for a label, not values. I started paying attention to policy over party." "When I was 18, I decided I was a Libertarian — thanks in large part to a high school teacher who fed us a bunch of shitty ideas via Ayn Rand books. Then, I turned 22 and realized the 'social freedom' aspect of the Libertarian Party was complete bullshit. Now, I typically vote for the Democratic Party, while lamenting a lack of more progressive candidates." "I tried to actually do research and talk to people of specific groups instead of consuming only what pundits and YouTubers told me." "I was pretty apolitical but Republican for 10 years. I switched to Independent after their COVID response and the first impeachment. I switched to Democratic after January 6." "My mom was in the Navy her whole life and mostly apolitical, but bought into 'Republicans = military support' propaganda from the Reagan years. She wasn't a big Trump fan — albeit she doesn't really watch the news — but voted for him in 2016 because it's just what she does. During COVID, she decided she wasn't going to vote. Then, after January 6, she decidedly turned against Trump. When he formally got the nomination, she actively worked against him." "I was and still am a Democrat. However, I went from extremely left to moderate because there is a certain level of leftist orthodoxy where it's literally impossible to have an open conversation without being shouted down. My issue isn't really the ideas so much as the absolutism — there's no room for dissension. I feel like people who are extreme on either end of the spectrum have more in common with each other than people who are a little more moderate. I feel like there's this attitude where there's no room for compromise, so we have to burn it all down — both far right and far left say that kind of thing." "Trump the first time. I served my country in combat, came home broken, but found my way in law enforcement. I had a sense of brotherhood again and was helping people while also protecting them. All that shattered when Trump was elected and empowered the far-right radicals by not speaking against them. Suddenly, I was standing the line at protests and riots, being told to protect the cowards waving Nazi flags, hiding behind the police. It kept getting worse and worse as the far right felt more empowered, culminating on January 6. And then he got elected again and pardoned those traitors! I can ignore all the other illegal stuff this administration is getting away with and calling it politics, but any party that continues to back a traitor who doesn't even try to hide it, is not a party I want to be affiliated with. This is not the America I fought and continue to fight for." "I was a single-issue voter in my first election, coming from a religious background. After having learned more about the world — namely capitalism, healthcare, and LGBTQ+ issues — I became a voter of the left and have never looked back." "I have a very religious friend. His wife was also very religious. When they got pregnant, they were informed it was a high-risk pregnancy and presented with their options. They discussed it and decided to proceed with the pregnancy. Sadly, his wife died in childbirth. The baby did make it, however. Years later, we were talking, and the subject of abortion came up. He shocked me by saying he was now pro-choice. I inquired what brought that on, and he explained that while he is still very much against abortion, he realized that was his opinion. He said the thing that allowed him to ultimately accept and be at peace about his wife's death is the fact that they were able to discuss it and make the choice that was right for them. He said that he simply cannot condone depriving others of the ability to have those discussions and make those choices, even if that meant their choices may be different from his own." "I went from Republican to Independent because I was for fiscal responsibility and liberal on social issues. I do not even recognize the Republican Party I once belonged to." "I moved from a Democrat to an Independent because the Democratic Party has villainized straight white males, and I am a straight white male." "Well, I have always been an Independent — or rather had been — until Bernie, so I registered Democratic to vote for him in the primary. The DNC completely obliterated that in the following months and years. I am now an Independent again and no longer believe either of these parties are the way forward." "I was raised liberal and was super liberal until COVID. That changed everything, including seeing how my fellow liberals act when you have a differing opinion. Now, I am a Libertarian and more right-leaning. I will never go back. That being said, both sides are full of it, definitely do not have the public's best interest in mind, and are corrupt." "Winston Churchill was attributed with saying: 'If you're not a liberal when you're 25, you have no heart. If you're not a conservative by the time you're 35, you have no brain.' That was pretty much me, and that is why I changed my political affiliation to conservative." "Grew up a Republican in Oklahoma. Joined the Navy. Met LOTS of folks from all over the world. Fought alongside most of them. Fought against a few others. The common trait those I fought against had was a hypocritical eye toward authority — it was bad unless they were in charge. This was a mindset I grew up around with my rural parents, but not my World War II veteran (overseas deployed) grandparents. I never understood it. Unfortunately, it took root in American society, pushed by people like Newt Gingrich, the NRA, the 'Moral Majority,' and Faux News. Karl Rove drove me to switch parties while running the Bush campaign. During the 2000 South Carolina primary, he talked about how McCain (Vietnam War POW and scion of a multi-generational Navy family) fathered a 'Black child' in an extramarital fling — it was an outright appeal to racists for their votes! Never mind the fact that said daughter was a child from Bangladesh the McCains had adopted. I was done." Taken together, these accounts reveal that political identity is far more fragile — and more responsive to lived experience — than our polarized discourse suggests. The moments that break political loyalty aren't always abstract ideological shifts but visceral encounters with institutional failure that force a reckoning between stated principles and actual practice. And more and more Americans are actively renegotiating their political identities as traditional party boundaries prove inadequate to the challenges they actually face. So, have you ever found yourself questioning your political affiliation? What moment or experience made you reconsider where you stand? Share your story in the comments below!
New York Post
3 hours ago
- New York Post
The city and state's fiscal pain just got real —and it was all so avoidable
Albany and City Hall are now staring at some wicked fiscal headwinds, a key watchdog reports — but it's not like they weren't warned. The Citizens Budget Commission is flagging both the city and state's massive budgets, slamming them as 'unaffordable and unprepared' in light of federal funding cuts and a possible economic slowdown down the road. With passage of President Donald Trump's One Big Beautiful Bill Act, which aims to (slightly) curb the growth of federal outlays, including aid to New York, Gov. Kathy Hochul is directing state agencies to cut $750 million from their budgets. When folks gripe, she'll just point her finger at Trump. Convenient, no? But about reckless and dishonest as can be. And she'll still have to find another $3 billion — and that's assuming no further cuts from Washington in the short term and an economy that remains robust. Plus, the long-term structural gap, CBC says, is now a monstrous $22 billion. It was all sadly predictable, but Hochul and state lawmakers nonetheless decided to blithely run up the tab — to a whopping quarter of a trillion dollars–plus — figuring they can blame the GOP when they have to make cuts or raise taxes. Take health care: Lawmakers boosted spending on it by 17%, even as the Empire Center's Bill Hammond predicted federal Medicaid cuts would shift over $3.3 billion in costs to the state. In April, budget expert E.J. McMahon slapped Hochul and the Legislature for 'whistling in the dark' instead of anticipating likely changes to the state's 'nearly out-of-control Medicaid program.' Now the gov's budget director won't rule out raising taxes, even though Hochul vowed she wouldn't. The CBC instead urges to keep her promise and instead shred her $2 billion 'inflation reduction checks' (i.e., reelection bribes), for starters. The group also called out the city's $116 billion spendapalooza and hit both Albany and City Hall for not squirreling away enough reserves. Whoever become mayor in November, it noted, will have to fill a $6 billon to $8 billion budget gap in just 16 days of taking office. It also ripped mayoral frontrunner Zohran Mamdani's planned tax hikes to cover his ludicrous plans for $10 billion in new outlays. He'd be setting a record for irresponsibility. New Yorkers are now sure to be hit with some pain, whether it's spending cuts or tax hikes. The pols will try to shift blame, of course, but the public wouldn't be in this mess if their leaders had acted like adults from the start.
