
Japan's Nikkei Stock Average Meanders on US Trade Deal Uncertainty; Steelmakers Jump
The Nikkei 225 Index edged 0.1% lower as of the morning break while the broader Topix was down 0.3%.
Prolonged trade negotiations with the U.S. have yet to produce a deal, with President Donald Trump recently threatening even higher tariffs on Japan.
Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba said on Wednesday he was determined to protect Japan's national interests, while chief trade negotiator Ryosei Akazawa was reported to be organizing his eighth visit to the U.S. as early as this weekend.
'If the negotiations do not produce results, it will be a major blow to the Japanese economy,' said Nomura strategist Fumika Shimizu.
There were 112 advancers on the Nikkei index against 110 decliners. The biggest percentage losers on the gauge were Muji-brand retailer Ryohin Keikaku, down 6%, followed by NH Foods, which slid 4.9%.
JFE Holdings surged 4.9%, leading an advance among iron and steel makers, which were the biggest gainers among the Tokyo Stock Exchange's 33 industry sub-indexes.
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Rising Costs Hit Condo Owners: Repair and Management Fees Increase in Tokyo
Condominiums in and around Tokyo have long been popular choices among residents looking for convenient locations and access to transportation networks, and their prices have been rising to match. But the payments don't end once the unit is paid off; residents in multiunit buildings must continue paying management fees and contributions to funds for eventual repair and upkeep of the structures. The real-estate information service provider Lifull has published figures on average monthly management and repair-fund fees on condominiums that are 11 to 20 years old. The information is based on publications issued by the company in 2010, 2015, 2020, and 2025, and is set with a 60-square-meter living space as the basic unit of measurement. The data shows that monthly repair-fund fee has been increasing gradually throughout Tokyo and three of its neighboring prefectures (Saitama, Chiba, and Kanagawa). The average fee paid in 2025 is ¥4,000 to ¥5,000 higher than it was in 2010. Meanwhile, the average management fee, which peaked in 2010 and then fell sharply around 2015, is once again on the rise. In Tokyo, the combined monthly payment for management and future repairs averaged ¥28,748 in 2025, a nearly ¥5,000 increase over the average of ¥22,395 in 2010. The rising monthly payments must be factored in along with mortgage payments and property taxes as the total financial burden facing condo owners. The breakdown of fees according to building age shows that for buildings over 11 years old in Tokyo, Kanagawa, and Saitama, the average monthly repair-fund fee is over ¥12,000, while the average exceeds ¥14,000 for Tokyo condominiums built 15 years ago. Properties under 5 years old have the highest monthly management fees, with the average in Tokyo just below ¥20,000, at ¥19,182. Lifull points out that 'people tend to focus on the property price when purchasing a condominium' and urges buyers to avoid unexpected financial burdens later on by verifying ongoing expenditures, such as management and repair-fund fees, up front. Data Sources (Translated from Japanese. Banner photo © Pixta.)

Nikkei Asia
44 minutes ago
- Nikkei Asia
Dollar advances on stronger-than-expected US jobs data
NEW YORK (Reuters) -- The U.S. dollar rose against major currencies including the yen, euro and Swiss franc on Thursday after data showed that the U.S. economy created more jobs than analysts estimated, signaling the Federal Reserve might take longer to cut interest rates. The dollar strengthened 0.70% to 144.705 versus the Japanese yen and was up 0.40% to 0.79510 against the Swiss franc. The U.S. currency is on track to notch a second consecutive session of gains against both safe-haven currencies. The euro was 0.26% weaker at $1.1769. It is on track for the second straight day of losses. U.S. Labor Department data on Thursday showed that nonfarm payrolls increased by 147,000 jobs in June. Economists polled by Reuters had forecast a rise of 110,000. The report was published a day early because of the July 4 U.S. Independence Day holiday. "It will be very difficult for the Fed to cut rates in this environment, with the labor market so strong," said Axel Merk, president and chief investment officer at Merk Hard Currency Fund in California. "The argument that Jerome Powell has made for the Fed to stay on the sidelines continues to hold." The dollar index, which measures the greenback against a basket of currencies including the yen and the euro, rose 0.27% to 97.01, on track for two straight sessions of gains, although it is still near multi-year lows. The rise in the dollar following the data was accompanied by an increase in U.S. Treasury yields. The 2-year note yield, which typically moves in step with interest rate expectations for the Federal Reserve, rose 9.1 basis points to 3.88%. The yield on benchmark U.S. 10-year notes rose 4.1 basis points to 4.344%. Wall Street stock indexes including Dow Jones Industrial Average, the benchmark S&P 500 and the Nasdaq Composite were all up on the session. Republicans in the U.S. House of Representatives advanced President Donald Trump's massive tax-cut and spending bill toward a final yes-or-no vote early on Thursday. The U.S. has lifted restrictions on exports to China for chip design software developers and ethane producers, a sign of easing trade tensions between the countries. The dollar strengthened 0.06% to 7.164 versus the offshore Chinese yuan. The British pound rose after losing ground in the previous session following a selloff in gilts. British Prime Minister Keir Starmer's office backed finance minister Rachel Reeves, easing concerns over her future. The pound strengthened 0.15% to $1.3656.


The Diplomat
an hour ago
- The Diplomat
Are India-US Relations at a Crossroads?
Donald Trump's intervention in a brief Indo-Pakistan conflict and his diplomatic theatrics have rekindled fears of a return to Washington's old habit of hyphenating India with Pakistan. In the wake of a terrorist attack in late April targeting tourists in Pahalgam in Indian-administered Kashmir, a series of military skirmishes took place between India and Pakistan. These involved extensive artillery barrages along the Line of Control (the de facto international border in the disputed state of Jammu and Kashmir), the use of drones and missiles to attack a range of targets, and the use of air power. Following this four-day conflict, Pakistan alleged that it had shot down as many as six Indian combat aircraft. General Anil Chauhan, India's chief of defense staff, confirmed that the Indian Air Force had lost some aircraft but did not specify the number. After the hostilities concluded, U.S. President Donald Trump claimed that he had successfully persuaded both India and Pakistan to agree to a ceasefire. To that end, he asserted that he had threatened to impose significant trade sanctions on both countries, thereby inducing them to end the ongoing hostilities. Pakistan lauded his public remarks and even briefly nominated him for the Nobel Peace Prize. (After Trump's decision to attack three nuclear facilities in Iran, Pakistan's political opposition asked its government to rescind the nomination.) India, for its part, has repeatedly and categorically denied that the ceasefire was a product of Trump's intervention. It is both difficult and unnecessary to adjudicate the veracity of either claim. What matters is that Trump's attempt to insert himself into this latest India-Pakistan crisis has set off alarm bells in New Delhi about the state of India-U.S. relations. Before Trump proclaimed his role in ending the brief, intense conflict, Vice President J.D. Vance had stated that the India-Pakistan crisis was 'none of our business.' Trump subsequently claimed the U.S. acted as mediator in defusing India-Pakistan tensions. The latter statement raised hackles in New Delhi owing to its long-standing aversion to external efforts to resolve its differences with Pakistan. Finally, to New Delhi's dismay, Trump decided to host General Asim Munir, the Pakistan Army's chief of staff, for lunch at the White House. Although little of substance emerged from the meeting, the optics were a source of considerable misgiving in New Delhi. Several Indian political analysts and commentators have argued that Trump's statements and actions suggest a return to the much-disliked U.S. policy of hyphenation: linking India and Pakistan in its dealings with the two antagonistic neighbors. Indeed, this had characterized U.S. policy toward the subcontinent during much of the Cold War. It was only under the late U.S. Ambassador Frank Wisner in the mid-1990s that Washington decided to de-hyphenate its relations with the two countries. Wisner, who served as the ambassador to New Delhi between 1994 and 1997, was able to pursue this strategy because of India's growing economic clout in the wake of its fitful embrace of economic liberalization in 1991. Subsequent administrations, for the most part, adhered to this policy. Even after the renewal of a Pakistan-U.S. security relationship following the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, in the United States, Washington maintained a cordial and mostly robust relationship with India. The India-U.S. partnership even survived Secretary of State Colin Powell's maladroit designation of Pakistan as a 'major non-NATO ally' in 2004, despite causing its share of unease in New Delhi. What, in considerable part, redeemed the India-U.S. relationship was President George W. Bush's monumental decision in 2005 to pursue the India-U.S. civilian nuclear accord. This accord, for all practical purposes, exempted India from the strictures of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) of 1970 and allowed it to maintain its nuclear weapons program. All prior U.S. presidents had, to varying degrees, sought to cajole, persuade and even browbeat India to eschew its nuclear weapons program and accede to the NPT. Bush's decision to make an exception for India amounted to what scholars of international relations refer to as a 'costly signal' — namely, one that requires the expenditure of significant domestic and international political capital. In its wake, India-U.S. relations had been placed on a far more secure footing. Subsequent administrations, both Democratic and Republican, steadily built upon the solid foundations that Bush had constructed during his second term in office. The Barack Obama administration, for example, during its first year in office, neglected India. However, Obama visited India in 2010. During the visit, much to the surprise of his interlocutors in New Delhi, in a speech to the Indian Parliament he publicly stated that the United States, at some point, would look forward to including New Delhi as a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council. Since this was a long-standing Indian goal, his announcement came as a very pleasant surprise to the Indian political leadership. Also, at the initiative of then-Defense Secretary Ashton Carter, the administration designated India as a 'Major Defense Partner,' thereby easing defense acquisitions from the United States. Even the advent of the first Trump administration did not lead to substantial policy changes. India, it appeared, had for all practical purposes become a mostly bipartisan issue. The Joe Biden administration, despite expressing some misgivings about democratic backsliding and human rights in India, continued to deepen and broaden the strategic partnership, especially because of its concerns about an increasingly assertive, if not downright revanchist, China in Asia. Trump's return to office in 2025, however, has seen some disturbing signs, largely because of his propensity to use trade as a weapon or at least a source of leverage. Unlike in the past, perhaps cognizant of Trump's inclination to exploit the trade deficit with India as a political blunderbuss, the Modi government indicated a willingness to make certain trade concessions. These trade negotiations, though initially promising, have yet to result in an accord. Meanwhile, Trump's maladroit remarks and his hosting of General Munir have cast a pall on the India-U.S. relationship. It is, of course, possible that New Delhi is needlessly tying itself in knots about these ill-advised statements from the White House. They may simply reflect Trump's proclivity for self-aggrandizement and a degree of policy incoherence. That said, given Trump's mercurial disposition, New Delhi's concerns about the future of the relationship may well be understandable. Much of the progress that has been achieved in India-U.S. relations could suffer a setback owing to Trump's ill-advised remarks. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.