logo
ICAI Council clears new financial statement format for businesses; businesses may adopt by FY28

ICAI Council clears new financial statement format for businesses; businesses may adopt by FY28

Mint5 days ago
The way Indian companies present their profit and loss statements is set for a makeover, one that could provide investors with a clearer picture of what's driving profits and where the money goes.
The Institute of Chartered Accountants of India (ICAI) has approved a new reporting format under Ind AS 118, bringing it one step closer to implementation, two persons aware of the development said.
ICAI will send the proposed new format to audit watchdog National Financial Reporting Authority (NFRA) for review; the format aims to overhaul how companies present revenue and expenses, offering greater clarity on core performance and return generation.
Also read: Businesses will soon have to file financial statements in a new format. Here's why.
If cleared, it will be sent to the ministry of corporate affairs for final sign-off, said one of the persons cited above, requesting anonymity. While a formal rollout date has yet to be announced, an April 2027 implementation is likely, in line with a similar global transition to IFRS 18.
Queries emailed on Thursday to the ministry of corporate affairs and NFRA remained unanswered at the time of publishing.
Council nod, next steps
ICAI's Council comprises elected chartered accountants as well as nominees from the government and other constitutional or regulatory bodies, including representatives of the Comptroller and Auditor General of India and the ministry of corporate affairs.
CA. Charanjot Singh Nanda, president of ICAI, told Mint in a statement that the proposed Ind AS 118 will mark a significant step forward in enhancing the quality and clarity of financial reporting in India.
'This standard is designed to improve how entities communicate financial performance, with a particular focus on the statement of profit and loss," said Nanda.
'While it does not alter the way financial performance is measured, it introduces a more structured and consistent approach to how that performance is presented and disclosed. The proposed standard will not affect how companies measure their financial performance and the overall profit figure. This will greatly benefit users of financial statements by enabling more meaningful comparisons and deeper insights into a company's operations," he explained.
Also read: ICAI tightens norms on tax audits accountants can accept
Three-part breakdown
The new format will require businesses to show all income and expenses in three defined groups: operating, which deals with the core business activities; investing activities dealing with returns or losses; and financing, which deals with items like interest paid or received, experts said quoting ICAI's exposure draft of Ind AS118 released earlier for public comments.
This structure is expected to help investors and regulators better assess performance in both core operations and auxiliary investment activities.
Another major change is the requirement to bring certain information—currently disclosed outside the financial statements in investor presentations, press releases, or management commentary—within the audited financials. These are often referred to as management-defined performance measures and will now fall under statutory audit scope.
Additionally, the format will mandate more granular disaggregation of income and expenses, with clearer disclosure of the nature of specific costs. These changes aim to improve the transparency, auditability, and comparability of financial statements, and will require preparers to be more precise in their reporting, they added.
Also read: Punish bankrupt company owners who don't cooperate in debt resolution, set up advance ruling to cut down delay: ICAI
Global alignment
The move is part of a broader global shift in financial reporting formats, aligning with International Financial Reporting Standard (IFRS) 18, which takes effect globally from January 2027.
However, India's timeline for adoption remains undecided. A likely implementation from April 2027 is possible, though the final decision will depend on discussions among ICAI, NFRA, and the government, the person cited above said.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

RBI Monetary Policy Live: Will RBI MPC opt for another rate cut or a long pause amid tariff fears?
RBI Monetary Policy Live: Will RBI MPC opt for another rate cut or a long pause amid tariff fears?

Time of India

time30 minutes ago

  • Time of India

RBI Monetary Policy Live: Will RBI MPC opt for another rate cut or a long pause amid tariff fears?

RBI Monetary Policy Meeting: The Reserve Bank of India's Monetary Policy Committee is expected to maintain the repo rate at 5.5% in its August policy review, despite inflation easing to 2.1% and calls for a final rate cut. The US's 25% tariff on Indian imports adds to economic uncertainty, but economists remain divided on its policy impact. RBI MPC Meet Live News Updates: The Reserve Bank of India's Monetary Policy Committee is expected to maintain the repo rate at 5.5% in its August policy review, despite inflation easing to 2.1% and calls for a final rate cut. The US's 25% tariff on Indian imports adds to economic uncertainty, but economists remain divided on its policy impact. Liquidity management and forward guidance will be closely watched. An ET poll shows most economists expect a pause, with the RBI likely to assess festive demand trends before further action. RBI Monetary Policy Live: RBI's liquidity signal will be closely watched RBI MPC Meet Live News Updates: With over ₹3.3 lakh crore in system surplus and more expected, RBI's commentary on liquidity absorption will be key. Recent volatility in short-term rates has kept markets on alert. RBI Monetary Policy Live: Inflation falls below target, EMIs may stay flat RBI MPC Meet Live News Updates: June inflation touched 2.1%, well below RBI's 4% target. While this strengthens the case for a cut, the central bank may prefer to monitor festive season data before acting further. RBI Monetary Policy Live: MSMEs want support amid trade and credit stress RBI MPC Meet Live News Updates: Exporters and small businesses say tariffs and tight liquidity are squeezing operations. Industry leaders are calling for one last rate cut to absorb shocks and maintain access to affordable credit. RBI Monetary Policy Live: Festive demand may shape RBI's policy path RBI MPC Meet Live News Updates: With the festive quarter approaching, credit demand across housing, retail, and MSMEs will be key. RBI is expected to track these trends closely while deciding its stance for the second half of FY26. RBI Monetary Policy Live: US tariffs add pressure, RBI may still wait RBI MPC Meet Live News Updates: New 25% tariffs from the US starting August 7 raise risks for exports and capital flows. However, many economists argue these were already priced into RBI's outlook. A pause remains the base case. RBI Monetary Policy Live: RBI may hold rates, but a final cut is still in play RBI MPC Meet Live News Updates: Despite inflation easing to 2.1%, the RBI is expected to maintain the repo rate at 5.5%. Some economists believe a final 25 bps cut could support growth ahead of the festive season. The US tariff move adds complexity but may not shift the central bank's stance for now.

Dear Rahul Gandhi and Donald Trump, India's economy isn't dead
Dear Rahul Gandhi and Donald Trump, India's economy isn't dead

Indian Express

time30 minutes ago

  • Indian Express

Dear Rahul Gandhi and Donald Trump, India's economy isn't dead

'Those who speak without knowledge are like the blind describing the sun.' — Mahabharata, Shanti Parva In their misplaced zeal for attention, Donald Trump and Rahul Gandhi have found common cause — declaring the Indian economy 'dead'. If only the facts were as loyal to them as their soundbites are to their need for self-aggrandisation. Trump's utterance, given the way he has behaved post his election victory, was expected. But Rahul Gandhi's reflexive concurrence, parroting anti-India narratives for short-term political gains, raises deeper questions. Is he now India's most committed amplifier of foreign mockery? There are two clear ways to answer this 'dead economy' trope: One with data, and another with diplomacy's hard logic. First, let's follow the numbers. Between 2015 and 2025, India has emerged as the fastest-growing major economy, clocking average real GDP growth of 6.5 per cent compared to 4.1 per cent for emerging economies and 1.8 per cent for OECD countries. In contrast to India's 2004-14 boom, powered by global tailwinds and credit splurge (and even then, India grew slower than the world, slower than emerging economies and much slower than China), this decade's growth under the Modi government came despite disruptive reforms like demonetisation and GST and a pandemic. India is set to become the fourth-largest economy in the world, surpassing the UK and Japan. It accounted for a disproportionately large share of global growth, outpacing all G7 economies in both nominal and real terms. Its 105 per cent nominal GDP expansion between 2015 and 2025 dwarfed the US (66 per cent), Germany (44 per cent), and the UK (28 per cent). While Japan and parts of the Eurozone have almost stagnated, India's growth has been three times faster. It has also significantly narrowed the income gap in per capita terms with OECD nations. Notably, India is projected to overtake Germany soon to become the world's third-largest economy. India led global IPO charts in 2024 with 327 offerings, and the National Stock Exchange now ranks among the top 5 globally. Foreign portfolio flows have surged. Indian equity markets have delivered 16 per cent average annual returns, outshining nearly every peer. During the UPA decade, India's growth lagged behind China, Brazil, and Russia. India outgrew all BRICS economies in 2015-25, outpacing even China in percentage growth over the last five years. Even in per capita income growth, India's rise has been steeper, moving from 30 per cent of average of emerging market economies in 2014 to 42 per cent in 2024. Under the Modi government, exports surged from $468 billion to $825 billion. Defence exports rose twelvefold. Digital India created world-beating platforms like UPI, now processing 49 per cent of all real-time digital payments globally. Inflation, which averaged 8.2 per cent in the UPA era, has been brought down to around 4.5 per cent. Forex reserves have more than doubled. Poverty has fallen at a historic pace, with 25 crore people being lifted out of multidimensional poverty, according to the NITI Aayog. The World Bank has reported that extreme poverty dropped from 16.2 per cent to 2.3 per cent. The contrast between the UPA era and the Modi era is stark. From policy paralysis to policy propulsion. From scams to startups. From a lagging BRICS economy to its leader. India under Modi has not only grown faster but in a cleaner and more inclusive way, and is globally more respected. Over 55 crore Jan Dhan accounts, Rs 34 lakh crore Mudra loans and the world's largest vaccination drive are signals of a state that knows how to implement projects. India today doesn't just aim to be included, it wants to lead the table — that alone marks the death of the 'dead economy' narrative. If India's economy were dead, why is the UK calling its FTA with India the most ambitious in its history? Why are EFTA countries committing $100 billion in investments? Why indeed is the USA chasing trade deals? Why is it that now most iPhones sold in the USA are manufactured in India? Why is it that Canada, a country hostile to India for over a decade, could still not do without India in the G7 it hosted? One could even ask President Trump if the Indian economy is indeed dead, then why is he talking about India in every second press conference he does? India's economy is dynamic, data-backed, and destined for leadership. That this needs to be said in 2025 is unfortunate. That Rahul Gandhi finds himself echoing Trump's casual derision is tragicomic. Perhaps Gandhi thinks aligning with every outsider who insults India will somehow reanimate his politics. But India has moved on from dependency to self-belief, from slogans to substance. The only thing lifeless here isn't the Indian economy. It's the political instinct that cheers when India is jeered. The writer is CEO, Bluekraft Digital Foundation and was earlier director (content), MyGov

India's diplomacy with EU, US: Pushback in recent years, challenges over the past decades
India's diplomacy with EU, US: Pushback in recent years, challenges over the past decades

Indian Express

time30 minutes ago

  • Indian Express

India's diplomacy with EU, US: Pushback in recent years, challenges over the past decades

The strong Indian pushback to President Donald Trump's aggressive tirade is the newest twist in the testing times that the India-United States strategic partnership is passing through. While India's response on Monday was its first after Trump announced a 25% tariff on Indian goods, plus a 'penalty' for its defence and energy imports from Russia, New Delhi has a record of pushing back against the Americans and the Europeans whenever its vital national interests have been at stake. Randhir Jaiswal, official spokesperson of the Ministry of External Affairs, said that the targeting of India by the US and European Union (EU) was 'unjustified and unreasonable', and that India would take 'all necessary measures' to safeguard its 'national interests and economic security'. External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar has been vocal in articulating India's stand on the global stage over the past three years. Consider: 🔴 In March 2022, speaking in the presence of then British Foreign Secretary Liz Truss, Jaishankar said that the talk of sanctions 'looks like a campaign', and that Europe was in fact, buying more oil from Russia than before the war in Ukraine. He pointed out that Europe had bought 15% more oil and gas from Russia in that month than in the previous month. 'If you look at the major buyers of oil and gas from Russia, I think you'll find most of them are in Europe. We ourselves get the bulk of our energy supplies from the Middle East, about 7.5-8 per cent of our oil from the US in the past, maybe less than per cent from Russia,' he said. 🔴 In April 2022, Jaishankar said in Washington DC that India bought less oil from Russia in a month than what Europe did in less than a day. 'If you are looking at energy purchases from Russia…your attention should be focused on Europe. We do buy some energy, which is necessary for our energy security. But I suspect looking at the figures, probably our total purchases for the month would be less than what Europe does in an afternoon,' he said. 🔴 In June 2022, speaking in Slovakia, Jaishankar said 'Europe has to grow out of the mindset that Europe's problems are the world's problems but the world's problems are not Europe's problems.' 🔴 In December 2022, Jaishankar said that New Delhi's purchases were a sixth of Europe's in the nine months since the war in Ukraine began. Speaking with then German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock, he said, 'I understand that Europe has a point of view [on Ukraine] and Europe will make the choices it will make… But for Europe to make choices which prioritise its energy needs, and then ask India to do something else… 'Bear in mind, today, Europe is buying a lot [of crude] from the Middle East. The Middle East was traditionally a supplier for an economy like India. So it puts pressure on prices in the Middle East as well….' The Minister also pointed out that 'between February 24 and November 17, the European Union has imported more fossil fuel from Russia than the next 10 countries combined', and that 'oil import in the European Union is like six times what India has imported. …The European Union imported 50 billion euros worth [of gas].' 🔴 In May this year, the Minister observed that India was looking for partners, 'not preachers', and some of Europe is 'still struggling with that problem'. '…We look for partners, we don't look for preachers, particularly preachers who don't practise at home what they preach abroad…,' he said. While Jaishankar's words probably did not win him many friends in Europe, it was interpreted in India as an assertion of the country's 'strategic autonomy'. The relationship between India and the United States has faced several challenges over the decades. 🔴 The cyclical up-down in ties can be traced back more than half a century to the time when President Richard Nixon backed Pakistan during the 1971 war. The Seventh Fleet of the US Navy had moved into the Bay of Bengal, but India's friendship treaty with the Soviet Union deterred the Americans from entering the war directly. 🔴 The US and much of the West imposed sanctions on India after the nuclear tests in Pokhran in May 1998. India navigated its way out of the crisis by engaging with the US — talks between Jaswant Singh and then US Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbott ultimately led to the Indo-US nuclear deal a decade later in 2008. 🔴 In December 2013, Indian diplomat Devyani Khobragade was detained and searched following allegations that she was not paying her help enough. The incident infuriated Indian diplomats, and the government took steps to make a point — removing security barricades around the US embassy in New Delhi, and scrutinising diplomatic privileges for American diplomats in India. Jaishankar was India's ambassador to the US at the time, and he played a key role in securing the release of Khobragade. But the ties with the US suffered a severe setback in the last six months of the UPA II government. It took a call between US President Barack Obama and Prime Minister Narendra Modi in May 2014 to bring ties back on track. As Trump ratchets up the rhetoric against India, New Delhi has held up the mirror to the double standards of his administration. Standing its ground against the President's bullying tactics and negotiating a trade deal with the US without ceding too much ground — this will be the test of India's resilience and strategic autonomy. Over the last quarter century, India and the US have built what President Obama described as the defining partnership of the 21st century. However, Trump's words and actions appear to bear out the truth of former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger's words — that to be an enemy of the US is dangerous, but to be a friend could be fatal. Dealing with Trump is arguably the biggest challenge for Indian diplomacy since 1998. Shubhajit Roy, Diplomatic Editor at The Indian Express, has been a journalist for more than 25 years now. Roy joined The Indian Express in October 2003 and has been reporting on foreign affairs for more than 17 years now. Based in Delhi, he has also led the National government and political bureau at The Indian Express in Delhi — a team of reporters who cover the national government and politics for the newspaper. He has got the Ramnath Goenka Journalism award for Excellence in Journalism '2016. He got this award for his coverage of the Holey Bakery attack in Dhaka and its aftermath. He also got the IIMCAA Award for the Journalist of the Year, 2022, (Jury's special mention) for his coverage of the fall of Kabul in August 2021 — he was one of the few Indian journalists in Kabul and the only mainstream newspaper to have covered the Taliban's capture of power in mid-August, 2021. ... Read More

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store