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Committee calls for clarity on Government proposals to change triple lock

Committee calls for clarity on Government proposals to change triple lock

Further safeguards and clarity are needed in the Government's draft laws to change Ireland's system for deploying troops abroad, a committee has recommended.
The Joint Committee on Defence and National Security published a report into the Government's proposals to change the 'triple lock', which is the requirement for Government, Dáil and UN approval to send more than 12 Irish soldiers overseas.
The main change would see the need for formal UN approval for such missions removed and replaced with a stipulation that the Defence Forces deployment would be in accordance with the UN Charter and international law.
The Government has argued this will prevent the permanent members of the UN Security Council – Russia, China, the UK, the US and France – from vetoing Irish peacekeeping missions.
Critics see it as an erosion of Irish neutrality and a move towards European militarisation.
The Government's Defence (Amendment) Bill 2025 also looks to expand on the basis for Irish soldiers being dispatched outside the State.
In its report published on Wednesday, the committee makes 27 recommendations asking for further safeguards or clarity on the draft changes.
This includes a call to define what 'strengthening international security' means in the context of the Bill.
It said that the legislation should specify that the phrase will not include the taking part in missions where cluster munitions or anti-personnel mines are used.
'The Joint Committee recommends that the legislation potentially explore definitions for how the terms 'conflict prevention' and 'strengthening international security' will be interpreted in Ireland and outline clear parameters and safeguards for deployment in these cases,' it said.
It also recommended that, 'at minimum', an independent legal review should be carried out before Irish troops are deployed abroad with an international force.
The findings should be made available to Oireachtas members and a version 'redacted where necessary' is made public.
The committee also recommends that the proposals to increase the number of Irish troops allowed to be deployed without Dáil approval from 12 to 50, should include, 'at a minimum, oversight provisions' from two committees: defence and foreign affairs.
Ireland has been taking part in UN peacekeeping missions since 1958 and the triple lock has been in place since 1960.
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Daniel O'Connell personified the perpetual importance of an independent Bar
Daniel O'Connell personified the perpetual importance of an independent Bar

Irish Examiner

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Daniel O'Connell personified the perpetual importance of an independent Bar

On July 27, 1813, in the Court of King's Bench in Dublin, Daniel O'Connell rose to defend John Magee, publisher of the Dublin Evening Post, against a charge of criminal libel. His speech that day demonstrated how a skilled barrister could transform an oppressive legal system into an instrument of political change. The case of The King v. John Magee remains one of the most memorable examples of O'Connell's extraordinary ability to use his legal expertise in the service of justice and reform. The charge against Magee arose from his publication of a review criticising the departing Lord Lieutenant, the Duke of Richmond. The article condemned Richmond's errors in governing Ireland and compared him to the worst of his predecessors, who were described as 'the profligate unprincipled Westmorland, the cold-hearted and cruel Camden, the artful and treacherous Cornwallis'. More significantly, it challenged the fundamental principle of British rule in Ireland — 'a principle of exclusion, which debars the majority of the people from the enjoyment of those privileges that are possessed by the minority'. This was no ordinary libel case. As O'Connell understood, it was unavoidably a political case, and it demanded a political speech. The prosecution was designed to suppress dissent and maintain the exclusion of Ireland's Catholic majority from political participation. Attorney General William Saurin made this clear in his opening, describing Magee as a 'ruffian' whose purpose was 'to excite [in the minds of the population] hatred against those whom the laws have appointed to rule over them, and prepare them for revolution'. O'Connell faced formidable obstacles. The law of criminal libel was so broad that, as he later observed, 'every letter I ever published could be declared a libel' and the libel law could 'produce a conviction with a proper judge and jury for The Lord's Prayer with due legal inuendoes'. More damaging still was the composition of the jury — hand-picked to ensure conviction. With characteristic boldness, O'Connell confronted this unfairness head-on, telling the jurors: 'Gentlemen, he [the Attorney General] thinks he knows his men; he knows you; many of you signed the no-popery petition... you would not have been summoned on this jury if you had entertained liberal sentiments'. Rather than being cowed by these disadvantages, O'Connell turned them into weapons. He began by meeting Saurin's personal attacks, describing the Attorney General's speech as a 'farrago of helpless absurdity'. When Saurin had stooped to calling Magee a ruffian and comparing him to 'the keeper of a house of ill fame', O'Connell lamented how far Saurin fell below the standards of the great Irish barristers such as Curran and Ponsonby: 'Devoid of taste and of genius, how can he have had memory enough to preserve this original vulgarity — he is, indeed, an object of compassion; and, from my inmost soul, I bestow on him my forgiveness and my bounteous pity'. O'Connell was even able to use Saurin's own words against him. When the Attorney General accused Magee of Jacobinism, O'Connell recalled Saurin's defence of himself against the same charge in 1800, when Saurin, then anti-union, had declared that 'agitation is ... the price necessarily paid for liberty'. O'Connell's response was devastating: 'We have paid the price, gentlemen, and the honest man refuses to give us the goods'. What made O'Connell's defence truly remarkable was how he transformed a hopeless legal case into a powerful platform for political reform. His bold claim: 'the Catholic cause is on its majestic march — its progress is rapid and obvious... We will, we must, be soon emancipated' is electrifying even now. What must it have sounded like in his voice, in that court, in that trial, in those times? His confidence in his legal position was equally striking. When Saurin threatened to crush the Catholic Board, O'Connell declared: 'I am, if not a lawyer, at least a barrister. On this subject, I ought to know something; and I do not hesitate to contradict the Attorney General ... the Catholic Board is perfectly a legal assembly — that it not only does not violate the law, but that it is entitled to the protection of the law' Perhaps the most significant moment came not during the trial itself, but at the sentencing hearing on November 27, 1813. 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The many, often insidious, efforts that exist, whether prompted by powerful commercial, bureaucratic or political interests, to degrade or diminish the Bar are always, above all else, an attack on the rights of citizens and on the rule of law. O'Connell's performance in The King v. John Magee exemplifies the best traditions of forensic advocacy at The Bar of Ireland. Faced with a corrupt system, a biased tribunal, and impossible odds, he refused to bow his head or moderate his principles. Instead, he turned the forms and processes of an unjust and oppressive system against itself, using a political prosecution against dissenting speech as the means to condemn the oppressor and amplify the dissent. In an age when legal systems worldwide face challenges to their integrity and especially to the independence of barristers and advocates, O'Connell's example reminds us that the law's highest purpose is not merely to maintain order, but to secure justice. His defence of John Magee shows the difference a single barrister, armed with skill, courage, and unwavering principle, can make. Seán Guerin SC. Picture: Conor McCabe Photography. Seán Guerin SC is Chair of the Council of The Bar of Ireland

Colin Sheridan: Obama's silence on Gaza makes Freedom of Dublin award deeply problematic
Colin Sheridan: Obama's silence on Gaza makes Freedom of Dublin award deeply problematic

Irish Examiner

time28 minutes ago

  • Irish Examiner

Colin Sheridan: Obama's silence on Gaza makes Freedom of Dublin award deeply problematic

There's a long and noble Irish tradition of giving medals to people who don't need them. Mimicking our one-time oppressors, we're good at the pomp and pageantry, terrible at timing. And in this grand tradition of ceremonial sycophancy, we've now decided to give the Freedom of Dublin to Barack Obama — the same Barack Obama whose presidential legacy includes a kill list, expanded drone warfare, and now, more recently, a silence on Gaza so deafening it practically registers on the Richter scale. Now, before someone starts waving a Hope poster in my face and singing 'Is Feider Linn', let's be clear: this isn't a character assassination. Barack Obama is, by many accounts, charming, intelligent, a skilled orator, and less overtly monstrous than some who followed him. But if the bar for receiving Dublin's highest civic honour is simply 'better than Trump,' then let's all take turns. This isn't about left or right. It's about right and wrong. 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It should be given to people like Nelson Mandela and John Hume — people whose lives were defined by their resistance to violence, not their management of it. To toss Obama into that company is like inviting Monsanto to an organic farming festival. Let's not pretend this is just a harmless bit of civic theatre. In a world as interconnected and morally muddled as ours, gestures matter. They signal what we stand for And giving Obama this award now — as children in Gaza die in silence, too exhausted to even scream — sends a very clear message: that brand is more important than behaviour, that the image of progress is more valuable than the practice of it. And to those in Dublin City Council who greenlit this award: shame on you. Not because Obama is uniquely evil — he's not — but because you should know better. You should know that real solidarity isn't measured in photo ops, but in principles. You should know that timing matters. Context matters. 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Irish Examiner view: We need more gardaí but facial recognition could help the force do its job
Irish Examiner view: We need more gardaí but facial recognition could help the force do its job

Irish Examiner

timean hour ago

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Irish Examiner view: We need more gardaí but facial recognition could help the force do its job

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