logo
Why 99 Million Americans Have to Live in a Climate Danger Zone — And How to Fix It

Why 99 Million Americans Have to Live in a Climate Danger Zone — And How to Fix It

Yahoo30-05-2025
This article may contain affiliate links that Yahoo and/or the publisher may receive a commission from if you buy a product or service through those links.
In January 2025, six months before the typical start of California's wildfire season, a series of wildfires prompted the evacuation of nearly 200,000 people in the Los Angeles area. At its peak, seven different wildfires were blazing, and the fires lasted for 24 days. By the end of the 24 days of raging fires, entire neighborhoods were razed and at least 30 people died.
The factors that cause wildfires can develop rapidly. In Los Angeles' case, exceptionally strong Santa Ana winds — raging past 80 miles per hour in some areas — collided with extremes of wet and dry seasons. Drought had returned after a period of rainfall from 2022-2023 that supported vegetation growth. It would later become fire fuel. These realities are becoming more common and hard to control due to climate change.
The Eaton and Palisades fires only burned a fraction of the area of the largest fires in California history (about 1,000 wildfires occur each year), but they became the second and third most destructive blazes, earning the reputation as 'the big ones.' Entire blocks in Altadena, a historically Black suburban enclave in Los Angeles County, and Malibu, a wealthy beachside city west of LA, were destroyed. Meanwhile, 11,000 single-family homes burned to the ground — and those burned houses fed the flames.
The 2025 wildfires proved how devastating and unrelenting the damage of these disasters can be when they collide with one of the biggest metropolitan areas in the U.S. Los Angeles County — already grappling with a housing crisis with the number of households growing by over 700,000 over the past three decades and the number of housing units by just under 500,000 — now faces an even tighter crunch. At the very heart of the problem in Los Angeles, and increasingly across the country, is the number of housing units that are being built in what's called the wildland-urban interface (WUI).
The WUI, per the U.S. Fire Administration, is the 'transition between unoccupied land and human development. It is the line, area, or zone where structures and other human development meet or intermingle with undeveloped wildland or vegetative fuels.' Data from SILVIS Lab at the University of Wisconsin-Madison estimates about one-fifth of the county's housing stock is in the WUI.
But the WUI isn't just an LA problem; nationally, an estimated 99 million people live in the WUI, about one-third of the total population.
Increasing risk of evacuation and damage from wildfires isn't just due to more fires, but also the growth of people living on the front lines of the WUI. The most damaged regions in the LA fires — the Pacific Palisades, Altadena, and Malibu — were largely located in the WUI. The share of housing stock located in the WUI has also been expanding across the country, growing from 29.5% in 1990 to 31.5% in 2020. Two percentage points may seem small, but it represents an additional 14 million units. Housing in the WUI is growing faster than it is in areas outside of them.
Counties located along the periphery of San Antonio, in Virginia's Piedmont region, as well as in Clark County (home to Las Vegas), Nevada, have seen some of the fastest growth in the percentage of WUI housing units over the last 30 years. Not every area has equal risk of wildfires, though — Waldo County, Maine, for example, has seen an 11 percentage point growth in share of WUI housing units over the past 30 years, but the chance of a fire breaking out each year according to the USDA Forest Service is just 5%.
By contrast, the Jacksonville, Florida, suburb St. John's County has seen a 21.5 percentage point growth in WUI housing units, and an annual burn probability of 76.4%. Even with a lower chance of burning, living in the WUI can also increase proximity to bad air quality when fires do break out.
And lower fire risk now doesn't necessarily mean low fire risk forever. Climate change is lengthening the number of fire-weather days across the U.S., including in Texas, the Eastern Carolinas, and Colorado. The downed trees and other vegetation in the aftermath of Hurricane Helene last spring are providing fuel for a series of wildfires, prompting evacuations throughout North and South Carolina, both of which have seen hundreds of thousands of housing units added to WUI since 1990. (North Carolina accounted for just under 830,000 new housing units in the WUI, while South Carolina had over 530,000.
Homes in the WUI can become fuel for fires — and human activity plays a major part. In Horry County, South Carolina, where most land is zoned for single-family homes and the number of WUI housing units tripled from 1990-2020, one resident was arrested this year for causing a 2,000-acre wildfire after burning debris in her yard. Nearly 85% of all wildland fires are caused by humans.
In California, the five most populous counties all have annual burn probabilities over 92%. Between population and fire risk, even marginal increases in WUI housing could mean devastating consequences.
Los Angeles is a city known for its sprawl. An estimated 75% to 78% of land is zoned for detached single-family homes. By contrast, in New York City, known for its density and walkability, just 15% of residential land is zoned for single-family units. Sprawl-oriented design has been the standard for many U.S. cities since the early 20th century, spurred by the rise of the automobile and outdated beliefs around how multifamily housing units would negatively change neighborhoods.
This restrictive zoning has fueled the cities' housing crises for years. In Los Angeles, the median rent for a two-bedroom home is nearly double the national average, and the median sale price of all homes reached $1.1 million this year, according to Redfin. Single family homes sold for around $1.25 million.
Homes in the WUI, especially those further from the city or popular areas, can be cheaper and offer a path to homeownership buyers may not find elsewhere.
'You can see that in most U.S. cities there's this pattern where areas that are safer tend to have more restricted housing supply,' says Augusto Ospital, an economist and professor at Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich, who has studied how land-use regulations impact proximity to natural disasters. If building limitations were removed (lot size and multifamily bans, for instance), he found that the estimated average rent would fall as much as 28% and the share of people living in high risk zones could drop by 7%.
Ospital recognizes that removing every zoning limitation isn't feasible, but even modest improvements he says could make a difference. 'By upzoning about 5% of the land in targeted central areas, you could get about 80% of the gains in well-being in terms of reduced prices and exposure to wildfire risk,' he says. Passing upzoning programs isn't always easy, though.
Under California law, cities must adopt a housing plan and update it every eight years, adding a specified number of housing units during that period. Based on LA's housing plan, they have to add over 450,000 units between 2021 and 2029. The city's existing zoning law is equipped to meet only about half of that demand.
The city's housing plan included a number of programs to meet this shortfall, some of which involved rezoning lots currently zoned for detached single-family homes. The city, however, removed proposals for rezoning single family areas in the plan's final version.
Under the new plan, existing capacity will increase by 30%, but it won't be enough to reach the target of 456,000, UCLA researchers found. Instead, it will encourage higher housing costs and potentially sprawl from people seeking to escape them.
California adopted wildfire building codes in 2008, and since then, new developments are required to have fire safety features. But the law didn't mandate retrofitting older homes, and other states don't have as stringent requirements.
Even if not legally mandated, making fire safety upgrades can protect homeowners and also lower insurance rates. Kelly Berkompas, cofounder of Brandguard Vents, a fire-rated vent company that protects homes from flying embers during fires, says the first step for people already or considering living in the WUI is completing a wildfire risk assessment, usually available for free from a local fire department.
Homeowners can also get a wildfire prepared home certification which requires a 5-foot zone around the house of noncombustible material. This means removing any plants, flammable landscaping material, and combustible fencing. Other upgrades include using fire-rated roofing, ember-resistant vents, and metal gutters.
Berkompas says the LA wildfires were a wakeup call for how people thought about fire safety. 'I've been in this industry for almost 20 years, and there have been many fires in that time,' she says. 'There's always a little bit of an uptick in people calling and being more aware after a wildfire … but nothing like what happened after these fires.'
According to Zachary Subin, associate research director at the Terner Center at Berkeley, the focus on making WUI housing more resilient shouldn't overshadow the need to also build density in areas that aren't in high-risk zones. Subin, who studies the intersection of housing policy and climate change, warns that, 'in the aftermath [of the fires], it's important to not lose sight of the rest of the city … The more housing you can build that isn't at risk, the more opportunities you give people to live in that kind of housing. And the lower the cost of that housing can be because there's less of a constrained supply.'
The LA wildfires were brought on by a perfect storm of events, but scientists don't expect the level of devastation seen in January to be an anomaly. Across the country, climate change is increasing the frequency of billion-dollar natural disasters, and the places most at risk aren't always expensive beachside villas, but may also be a starter home in a newly developed suburb or a house in a flood-prone valley. As cities like Los Angeles continue to grow, it's not just a matter of building more housing, but building the right kind of housing that can both ease housing prices and keep more people away from the frontlines of wildfires.
I Just Discovered the Smartest Way to Store Paper Towels in Your Kitchen (It's a Game-Changer!)
See How a Stager Used Paint to Transform a 1950s Living Room
We Asked 8 Pro Travelers What They Never Pack in Their Carry-On, and Here's What They Said
Sign up for Apartment Therapy's Daily email newsletter to receive our favorite posts, tours, products, and shopping guides in your inbox.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

A clash over a promotion puts Hegseth at odds with his generals
A clash over a promotion puts Hegseth at odds with his generals

Miami Herald

time13 hours ago

  • Miami Herald

A clash over a promotion puts Hegseth at odds with his generals

WASHINGTON - In the spring, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth decided not to promote a senior Army officer who had led troops over five tours in Afghanistan and Iraq because Hegseth suspected, without evidence, that the officer had leaked sensitive information to the news media, according to three people with knowledge of the matter. When Lt. Gen. Douglas A. Sims II was cleared of the allegations, Hegseth briefly agreed to promote him, only to change course again early this month, the officials said. This time, Hegseth maintained that the senior officer was too close to Gen. Mark Milley, a former chair of the Joint Chiefs of Staff whom President Donald Trump has accused of disloyalty. Hegseth's sudden reversal prompted a rare intervention from Gen. Dan Caine, the current chair of the Joint Chiefs. He urged Hegseth to reconsider, said the officials, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss internal deliberations. Hegseth met with Sims one final time but refused to budge. Sims is expected to retire in the coming months after 34 years in the military, officials said. Through a spokesperson, Sims and Caine declined to comment. A Pentagon spokesperson declined to comment on Hegseth's role. The standoff over his promotion reflects an ongoing clash between Hegseth's highly partisan worldview, in which he has written that the Democratic Party 'really does hate America,' and the long-standing tradition of an apolitical military that pledges an oath to the Constitution. Hegseth's actions could shape the military's top ranks for years to come. His insistence on absolute loyalty, backed with repeated threats of polygraphs, also creates uncertainty and mistrust that threaten to undermine the readiness and effectiveness of the force, officials said. The tension between top military officers and their civilian leaders has been persistent since the earliest days of Trump's second term, when senior administration officials ordered the removal of Milley's portrait from a Pentagon hallway. Caine, who pressed Hegseth on Sims' behalf, got the job of Joint Chiefs chair after Hegseth and Trump fired Gen. Charles Q. Brown Jr., his predecessor. Hegseth accused Brown, who is Black, of prioritizing diversity over the combat effectiveness of the force. Also removed during the first months of the new administration were the first woman to command the Navy, Adm. Lisa Franchetti; the first woman to command the Coast Guard, Adm. Linda Fagan; Hegseth's senior military assistant, Lt. Gen. Jennifer Short; and the U.S. military representative to the NATO military committee, Vice Adm. Shoshana Chatfield. All were dismissed as part of a campaign to root out diversity, equity and inclusion from the military and restore what Hegseth has described as a 'warrior ethos.' Hegseth also recently withdrew the nomination of Rear Adm. Michael 'Buzz' Donnelly to lead the Navy's 7th Fleet in Japan -- its largest overseas force -- amid reports in conservative media that seven years earlier the admiral had allowed a drag performance to take place on the aircraft carrier Ronald Reagan. The decision not to promote Sims, who is white, seems unrelated to any issues of race or gender. Rather, the general's career seems to have become tangled up in broader suspicions about leaks and a mistrust of senior military officers that have defined much of Hegseth's first six months on the job. Hegseth, a former Fox News host and an Iraq War veteran, came to the Pentagon with little managerial experience. Since his arrival, a series of firings and resignations in his inner circle have left him with only a skeleton staff of civilian aides to run his office. He has been without a permanent chief of staff since late April. Ricky Buria, a recently retired Marine colonel who has forged a close relationship with Hegseth, has been serving in the critical role. But White House officials, who have concerns about Buria's competence and qualifications, have blocked Hegseth from formally appointing him to the job, officials said. Buria, meanwhile, has clashed repeatedly with many of Hegseth's closest aides and some officers in the Pentagon. This spring, Eric Geressy, a retired sergeant major who served with Hegseth in Iraq and now advises him in the Pentagon, threatened to quit after an argument with Buria, according to people with knowledge of the situation. Around the same time, the White House directed Hegseth to cease using polygraph tests on his team, after one of his senior aides complained, a former Pentagon official said. The rift and the decision to stop the polygraph testing were reported earlier by The Washington Post. Geressy briefly went to his home in Florida before Hegseth persuaded him to return, officials said. Hegseth is also still contending with a review by the Pentagon's inspector general related to his disclosure on the Signal messaging app of the precise timing of U.S. fighter jets' airstrikes against the Iranian-backed Houthi militia in Yemen in March. The office has received evidence that the information that Hegseth put in the commercial chat app came from a classified Central Command document, according to two U.S. officials with knowledge of the review. The classified origins of the information were reported earlier by the Post. The infighting, investigations and personnel churn have strained Hegseth's ability to manage critical operations in the Pentagon. Hegseth found himself in the crosshairs this month after Democrats and Republicans in Congress blamed him for pausing critical shipments of interceptors and other arms to Ukraine without sufficiently consulting with the White House or the State Department. The suspension was particularly jarring because just days earlier Trump had said he was open to selling more weapons to Ukraine after meeting with President Volodymyr Zelenskyy on the sidelines of a NATO meeting in The Hague. It also left the impression that Hegseth and his top aides had failed to keep the president and senior White House officials in the loop. As aides to Hegseth traded blame, and then tried to play down the impact of the pause, Trump dramatically overruled the Pentagon, saying he was unhappy with President Vladimir Putin of Russia. In a further twist, Trump endorsed a plan for NATO countries to send Patriot antimissile systems to Ukraine and replace them by purchasing new arms from the United States. It was an approach conceived by NATO countries. Hegseth has delegated responsibility for working out details of the arms transfers to senior U.S. military officers in Europe. The frustration with Hegseth is seeping out. Sen. Thom Tillis, R-N.C., who cast the deciding vote to confirm Hegseth, this month called him ill-suited to lead the Pentagon. 'With the passing of time, I think it's clear he's out of his depth as a manager of a large, complex organization,' Tillis told CNN. For now, Hegseth's missteps do not seem to have hurt his standing with the person who matters most: Trump. Like Trump, Hegseth had a career in television before joining the administration and relishes the performative aspects of his job. As defense secretary, he regularly posts videos that show him exercising with troops. The photo ops -- known inside the Pentagon as 'troop touches' -- are a central part of almost all his public appearances, current and former aides said. Several officials have complained that the photos and videos -- including one that he posted from Omaha Beach in Normandy in which he joins Army Rangers carrying a soldier on a stretcher as part of D-Day remembrances -- are distractions that serve primarily to bolster his image. Anna Kelly, a White House spokesperson, said that Hegseth retained Trump's 'full confidence' and cited the 'critical role' he played 'in ensuring the flawless execution' of the strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities in June. Current and former military officials said that Trump largely bypassed Hegseth in the days leading up to the strikes and instead relied on Caine and Gen. Michael Erik Kurilla, the head of Central Command, for counsel. But officials with knowledge of the president's thinking said Trump especially admired his defense secretary's combative response at a news conference to reports questioning the effectiveness of the attack. Today Hegseth is managing the Pentagon with a smaller immediate staff than when he started in January. Several top aides were forced out or quit. In late April, three top aides were fired and escorted from the building. Hegseth has repeatedly accused them, without offering evidence, of leaking classified information to the media. The fired aides, who have not been charged with any wrongdoing, were recently told that an investigation into the allegations against them was in its final stages and would soon be shared with the Pentagon's senior leaders, officials said. In the wake of their dismissal and a series of negative stories about Hegseth's performance in the job, Karoline Leavitt, the White House press secretary, offered a window into how Hegseth views the department he now runs. 'This is what happens when the entire Pentagon is working against you and working against the monumental change you are trying to implement,' she said. That same spirit seems to animate the Pentagon today. Only a few months ago, Sims' promotion to four stars seemed to be a given. Of the last 21 officers to hold his current position, 19 were promoted to four-star rank. 'He's the type of person you would want your kids serving under -- extremely dedicated, selfless and loyal,' said Brynt Parmeter, who stepped down in June as the Pentagon's chief talent management officer and has known Sims for more than three decades. The Pentagon gave a more muted assessment. In a statement, Sean Parnell, the Pentagon's chief spokesperson, thanked Sims for his 'decades of service.' 'We wish him well in his future endeavors,' Parnell wrote. This article originally appeared in The New York Times. Copyright 2025

Return of Meme Stock Mania Has Traders on Alert for Market Froth
Return of Meme Stock Mania Has Traders on Alert for Market Froth

Bloomberg

time19 hours ago

  • Bloomberg

Return of Meme Stock Mania Has Traders on Alert for Market Froth

The reemergence of meme stock mania last week has professional investors facing a quandary: ride the excitement of retail traders or take it as the latest warning sign that the frothy markets are due for a pullback. The speculative stocks caught up in the frenzy this week, like Opendoor Technologies Inc. and Kohl's Corp., gave up some of their gains as the week went on, but most are still trading at their highest levels in months. The broader S&P 500 Index and Nasdaq 100 Index are doing even better, sitting at all-time highs after charging back from the early April selloff set off by President Donald Trump's tariff announcements.

Christi Parsons: Abraham Lincoln's empathy is what our divided nation needs
Christi Parsons: Abraham Lincoln's empathy is what our divided nation needs

Chicago Tribune

timea day ago

  • Chicago Tribune

Christi Parsons: Abraham Lincoln's empathy is what our divided nation needs

In our era, they might seem like performative gestures for the president. A quiet visit with the wife of a wounded soldier. A conversation with a battlefield nurse or a kitchen worker. A hand extended to a Black woman who had once been enslaved. Abraham Lincoln didn't publicize these moments, though. He prioritized them for personal reasons. Because even as he held the Union together with the force of his will — even as he buried his own child and bore the weight of a nation at war — he made time for mercy. He listened to the voices of those without power, a practice that steeled him for wielding his own. Empathy is getting a bad rap these days. Elon Musk recently declared it the 'fundamental weakness' of Western civilization, summing up the ethos of the administration he just left. Even those who defend empathy speak of it mainly as a private virtue, not one that compels any particular action by public figures. But in the hands of a great leader, empathy can become a powerful political force. Whenever America has begun to fray — during war, depression, civil upheaval — the country has rallied behind a president who focused on the disenfranchised. If we're to survive our current crisis of division, our civic leaders need to do the same thing. And, as citizens, so do we. Maybe that's why Lincoln's name keeps rising in our conversations, as historians and storytellers nudge us in this direction. Lincoln is a figure in exhibits, podcasts and intellectual festivals this summer. The Metropolitan Opera is working to produce George Saunders' moving novel 'Lincoln in the Bardo,' a deeply empathetic portrayal of the 16th president. New scholarship further reveals a deeply sensitive and heartfelt man. In this modern moment of anxiety, they're showing the way to a better place — or at least the first step toward it. How did Lincoln cultivate the trait of empathy? Partly by surrounding himself with compassionate people. That's according to 'Loving Lincoln,' a new biography examining his story through the lives of the women who, despite their lack of franchise, were his key influencers. By his female relatives, Lincoln was nurtured into what his stepmother called 'the best boy I ever saw,' historian Stacy Lynn writes. Their stories 'offer evidence of Lincoln's kindness and sensitivity, his patience, his moral center, his social and political virtues, the breadth of his compassion, and his inspirational legacy.' By far, the deepest relationship of his life was with his wife, Mary, whose steely resolve helped bolster his commitment to freeing enslaved people. She was in favor of emancipation very early on, and she pressed her husband on the issue. The Lincoln White House became a place of mercy and goodwill, in no small part because of the compassion the president showed for his wife in her grief. He welcomed Black people to the White House. Mary Dines, who worked in the kitchen, urged Lincoln to visit the camps where newly freed families lived, and he went. Elizabeth Keckley, a formerly enslaved woman who became Mary Lincoln's dressmaker and confidante, called him 'kind and generous by nature.' Editorial: The idea of America, under stressLincoln also welcomed Frederick Douglass and Sojourner Truth. 'I never was treated by any one with more kindness and cordiality than were shown to me by that great and good man, Abraham Lincoln,' Truth said later. To meet the gaze of all these people, to shake their hands, to give them audience — these were not symbolic gestures. They were radical acts of inclusion by the leader who kept the Union intact. This is meaningful for us today, in our moment of deep national division. For those in office, the life of Lincoln is a guideline. He spoke publicly of the need for love and compassion. He surrounded himself with confidantes who embraced it. And he took action on it, ultimately assisting the emancipation of 4 million people from bondage. Elected officials today can do likewise. They can reject the dogma of hatred in discussing immigration. They can surround themselves with advisers who, even if they favor downsizing government, hold respect for public service and public servants. They can vote and act with care for those on the margins of society. But the work of public compassion isn't all on their shoulders. Each of us can train ourselves individually for compassion. A good first step is the one Lincoln modeled all his life. We can start today by using compassionate language, a practice that can lead to feeling it in the heart. Research shows language doesn't just express emotion — it can help shape it. Certain practices can actually increase activity in the neural networks that enhance empathy and emotional regulation. Showing empathy to others feels good, too. Compassion, as with charity, begins at home. Ultimately, though, we have a compassionate responsibility to one another. So what can we as individuals do to fulfill it? We can reach out to friends and family members with differing perspectives. We can try to talk, understand and share. We can reward kindness in those who seek our votes — this fall, next year and the two after that. We can help change the national tenor by changing our own. In the grand scheme of things, it was just a few years ago that Lincoln led our country through something much worse than the conflict we're now experiencing. His example feels even more relevant when we consider how powerfully his words land in our hearts today. He's telling us how to bind up the wounds of our nation, 'with malice toward none, with charity for all.' For the love of Lincoln, let's listen. Christi Parsons is a former Tribune White House correspondent and a longtime political journalist now on the faculty at the University of Maryland.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store