
National Treasury secures R26bn World Bank loan in strategic move for infrastructure reforms
South Africa has secured a R26-billion loan from the World Bank to modernise our infrastructure – without adding to sovereign guarantee burdens. But favourable terms mean little without delivery. Can South Africa finally convert reform pledges into real power, rail, and fiscal performance?
In a bid to shift our faltering economy out of low gear, the National Treasury and the World Bank have inked a $1.5-billion (R26.5-billion) Development Policy Loan agreement aimed at unlocking long-promised, but long-delayed, structural reforms across the country's infrastructure backbone.
Sweet deal, soft start
The loan, which was finalised on Monday, 23 June 2025, comes with some pretty good terms — definitely better than if South Africa had just gone to the open market:
We have 16 years to pay it back. So, it's a long-term plan, not a quick smash-and-grab.
We don't have to start paying anything back for the first three years. This is a 'grace period' that gives us some breathing room to get things in order before the first instalment is due.
The interest rate isn't fixed. It's a 'floating rate', which means it will change over time. It's tied to something called the six-month SOFR, which is a very stable and trusted international benchmark rate for US dollars. On top of that, we pay an extra 1.49%.
'If the borrowing is associated with capital investment, then there's the opportunity to generate a return that will help service the debt,' Old Mutual Wealth strategist Izak Odendaal told Daily Maverick. 'Borrowing to fund recurrent expenditure is much harder to justify.'
Spreading the spending power
Political and economic analyst Daniel Silke said the real issue is how it will be spent. 'Will it be spent credibly, efficiently, and without graft and corruption? We've gone through a decade or two where we have not invested in domestic capital formation. The backlog in infrastructure… now ultimately has to be funded, certainly in part, by external loans like this.'
According to the National Treasury, the deal is designed to 'enhance the efficiency, resilience, and sustainability' of South Africa's public infrastructure services.
The main focus: policy reforms in the energy and freight transport sectors that can enable broader infrastructure modernisation and private investment.
'This agreement reinforces the strong and constructive collaboration between the World Bank and the government of South Africa,' the National Treasury noted in the release announcing the loan's approval.
Show me the money
It's important to distinguish the loan's structure and purpose. This is a Development Policy Loan, meaning the funds are not project-specific. Instead, they are general budget support disbursed in tranches conditional upon meeting agreed reform milestones.
The Treasury says these reforms centre on:
Improving energy security.
Boosting freight transport competitiveness.
Advancing the just energy transition.
Unlike project loans, this money won't directly pay for power stations or rail upgrades, but is aimed at incentivising reform across state institutions like Eskom and Transnet — and unlocking further capital by stabilising policy conditions.
Disbursements are tied to measurable regulatory or governance benchmarks — such as unbundling electricity transmission or enabling third-party rail access — designed to unlock future private capital inflows.
Reform or rewind
The loan lands at a time of acute public finance strain: sluggish growth, surging debt service costs, and deep political gridlock following the collapse of a proposed VAT hike.
With fiscal consolidation plans fraying under coalition tensions, the Development Policy Loan becomes not just a financial tool but a litmus test of South Africa's political capacity to implement reform.
South Africa's history with reform-tied financing is mixed. From unbundling Eskom to fixing port backlogs, targets are often missed, deferred, or diluted. The Treasury insists this loan aligns with its broader fiscal strategy: to avoid contingent liabilities, limit market borrowing and crowd in private capital.
Transmission tangle — another $500-million
While the Development Policy Loan grabs headlines, it is part of a broader ecosystem of multilateral support.
Reuters reports that the World Bank Group is also weighing a $500-million contribution to a proposed credit guarantee vehicle meant to underwrite South Africa's planned $25-billion transmission build-out.
This facility would be a stand-alone fund, absorbing project risk and unlocking private sector participation without drawing on sovereign guarantees.
The goal: unlock up to 20GW of stalled renewable energy capacity, particularly in remote provinces like the Northern and Eastern Cape.
The Treasury plans to contribute $100-million in junior capital (first-loss tranche), eventually scaling to $500-million. Discussions are under way with partners including Miga, the International Finance Corporation, DBSA, AfDB, KfW, and British International Investment.
While discussions remain at the proposal stage, the Treasury expects to finalise initial commitments before the 2026 Budget, contingent on co-financier alignment.
Can we afford this?
On paper, the Development Policy Loan offers low-cost, flexible financing. But it's still dollar-denominated debt in a fiscus under pressure.
Repayments begin after three years (on principal), but interest accrues and must be made in hard currency, exposing the Treasury to forex volatility.
With a floating rate (SOFR +1.49%), repayments will rise if global interest rates increase.
The Treasury already spends over 20% of its main budget on debt service, and gross loan debt is projected to exceed 75% of GDP.
Odendaal notes that this loan remains within the Treasury's foreign borrowing limits, but South Africa must tread carefully: most debt is rand-denominated for a reason.
Odendaal notes this loan remains within Treasury's foreign borrowing limits, but South Africa must tread carefully: most debt is rand-denominated for a reason.
Reform isn't optional
While the World Bank does offer oversight and monitoring, Odendaal warns that no loan is immune to governance risk.
'There's no guarantee that the money is going to be allocated 100% efficiently,' he said. 'But it's probably a better option than trying to raise money in the market.'
For now, the $1.5-billion is a breath of fresh air that, with luck, will offset short-term fiscal pressure and offer credible support to reformists inside the Treasury. The key to whether it will be maximised effectively, however, will have to come squarely from State-Owned Enterprises and industry.Transnet, Prasa and Eskom will benefit financially, but in order for South Africa to do so, governance will need to improve correspondingly to make the loan less a windfall, and more a structural change. DM
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Daily Maverick
14 hours ago
- Daily Maverick
Ties that bind: Inside Mashatile's inner circle behind SA's new lottery operator
A cache of pictures and video shows the cozy ties between Deputy President Paul Mashatile and the inner circle behind the new lottery operator, Sizekhaya Holdings. It also introduces a key new figure linking them: Sbu Shabalala, the disgraced former Adapt IT chief executive. Photographs and footage reveal the close personal relationships behind the company that clinched the multibillion-rand lotto licence and their links to Deputy President Paul Mashatile. They provide insight into the powerful people who orbit the Deputy President, with a new name surfacing: former Adapt IT CEO Sbu Shabalala. Following amaBhungane's reporting, members of Parliament put the heat on Minister of Trade and Industry, Parks Tau, asking him to account for possible conflicts of interest in the licence bidding process and award. AmaBhungane understands that Sbu Shabalala is engaged to Khumo Bogatsu, Mashatile's sister-in-law, and is also the cousin of Moses Tembe, the Durban businessman who leads Sizekhaya. Earlier this week amaBhungane revealed that Bogatsu is the twin sister of second lady Humile Mashatile and co-owns Bellamont Gaming with Tembe. Bellamont Gaming is a shareholder in Sizekhaya Holdings, which has received the nod from Trade, Industry and Competition Minister Parks Tau to take over the national lottery licence, valid for eight years and generating about R7-billion annually. Shabalala is believed to be a key person helping knit together the politically connected group, which includes Sandile Zungu, a prominent member of Sizekhaya who reportedly co-leads the consortium with Tembe. Shabalala's presence is also controversial because of his spectacular fall from grace and departure from Adapt IT in 2021 following a violent incident at his estranged wife's home. He did not respond to questions. Power video The group's proximity to power is most strikingly demonstrated in a video circulated online around March 2025 – three months before the National Lotteries Commission (NLC) announced Sizekhaya as the winning bidder. The video captures the group, minus Zungu, at what appears to be a holiday gathering at an upscale resort. The scene is relaxed and familiar: Tembe in a crisp white shirt, his wife in jeans and a white shirt, Shabalala in a black shirt and shorts, Bogatsu in a sun hat and white blouse, Mrs Mashatile sipping a bottle of water and the Deputy President dancing. Deputy President Paul Mashatile taking a break from his demanding duties to spend quality time with family and friends. — MDN NEWS (@MDNnewss) March 15, 2025 Other photos, which we'll detail, place members of the group – including Zungu, Mashatile and their spouses – in each other's company at various personal and private events. The visuals are significant, not because powerful people have friends, but because these friendships sit at the nexus of a major public tender worth billions, raising questions about proximity, access and influence. In this regard, State Capture amply demonstrated the potential sway of informal networks over formal decision-making. The visuals add to concerns about the potential for political interference in the award of the hotly contested lottery licence, despite both Tau and Mashatile emphasising this week that the Deputy President played no role whatsoever in the lottery decision. In a response to amaBhungane, Sizekhaya said that 'the questions put forward to Advocate Bogatsu, Mr Tembe and Mr Zungu are irrelevant to the award and operation of the fourth national lottery licence and, as such, Sizekhaya is unable to respond to them. 'Sizekhaya reiterates that the allegations relating to 'interested, politically connected parties' are baseless, and that our directors and shareholders are fit and proper, as per the Lotteries Act.' Tembe told amaBhungane he did not believe any answer they gave would ever satisfy the 'insatiable appetite to incriminate' Mashatile: 'We're private individuals who've got private lives like you… You're welcome to continue down that trajectory without our cooperation.' He maintained that they had submitted all necessary declarations to the NLC and that the consortium won the bid on merit. Fallout As a result of amaBhungane's reporting, members of Parliament grilled Tau about Mashatile's possible conflicts of interest during a committee meeting on Tuesday. Tau indicated he had been unaware that the Deputy President's sister-in-law had an interest in Sizekhaya and said the matter would be investigated. Mashatile also later claimed he was unaware of Bogatsu's participation in the lottery bid. Several questions put to Mashatile's office went unanswered. Then, in a shocking turn of events, President Cyril Ramaphosa announced on Wednesday that he had taken a decision to remove Deputy Minister of Trade Industry and Competition Andrew Whitfield, who is also a member of the Democratic Alliance (DA). Whitfield's firing was allegedly owing to his official overseas visit in February, which took place without Ramaphosa's permission. A furious DA gave Ramaphosa 48 hours to remove other poor performing and corruption-implicated ministers, threatening 'consequences' if he did not. In a speech on Thursday, DA leader John Steenhuisen told Parliament that 'perhaps there is something even deeper at play here… Andrew Whitfield… had opposed an attempt to make suspect appointments, he was standing in the way of the looting that will follow from the Transformation Fund – and all of this in a department mired in corruption allegations involving the tender for the National Lottery.' In a statement on Friday, Ramaphosa said Whitfield's firing was unrelated to anything else. 'There is really no basis for suggestions that the dismissal of the former deputy minister is related to any other reason than his failure to receive permission to travel and adhere to the rules and established practices expected of members of the Executive of the Republic of South Africa,' he said. Shabalala's rise and fall For Shabalala – whose engagement to Bogatsu appears to have given him direct access to Mashatile – to be included in the Deputy President's circle provides him a comeback after his dramatic fall from grace. In May 2021, the Sunday Times reported that Shabalala's estranged wife, Neo Shabalala, sought a high court interdict against Shabalala, claiming he had hired armed men to assault her then partner, Sipho Nzuza, at her Zimbali home. Nzuza was eThekwini municipal manager, but was at the time out on bail of R50,000 after being arrested in connection with the now-notorious Durban Solid Waste case, in which he is still on trial alongside former Mayor Zandile Gumede. The Sunday Times report said Nzuza had been left in a critical condition after the attack and had his spleen and part of a kidney removed. Neo claimed in her affidavit that the assault – at which Sbu Shabalala was allegedly present – was meant to intimidate her into signing a divorce settlement that she believed was for less than what she was entitled to. She claimed Shabalala was invading her privacy by planting listening devices in her home and monitoring her cellphone. 'I do not feel safe in the slightest with the First Respondent [Shabalala] being near me or entering the immovable property,' she said. Although Shabalala maintained his innocence, saying the allegations were without merit, he consented to the interdict and the fallout resulted in his fall from grace. After taking a three month leave of absence to 'attend to personal matters' he ended up resigning from Adapt IT – the feisty tech company that he had founded and taken to a listing on the Johannesburg Securities Exchange. 'We are coming home' – and bringing friends In growing closer to Mashatile through Bogatsu, Shabalala is said to have also brought his cousin, Tembe, into enhanced proximity. Tembe co-directs and co-owns Bellamont Gaming with Bogatsu, the twin sister of Mashatile's wife, Humile. The company is a minority shareholder in Sizekhaya, and it is central to questions of a conflict of interest for the Deputy President. The company's name, Sizekhaya – which translates to 'we are coming home' – seems apt for a group bound not only by business but also by longstanding personal relationships. Aside from the revealing video, the group also appeared together in a photo previously published by amaBhungane, taken at St Paul's Anglican Church in February 2024, where they gathered to honour victims of a bus crash following the ANC's manifesto launch at Moses Mabhida Stadium. While the published photo focused on Tembe, Mashatile and his wife in the front row, a closer look reveals Shabalala standing behind them to the right and a partially obscured woman who may be Bogatsu to his left, just behind the red jacket. That year, Mashatile had frequented Tembe's home in uMdloti, KwaZulu-Natal, according to people in the area, and around the time the photo was taken it is said that Mashatile's presidential protection unit stayed over at Tembe's house for around six days. Coincidentally or not, Bellamont Gaming was registered just months before that visit, in December 2023 – four months after the NLC published the request for proposal (FRP) for the licence and just two months before bids were due. In that month, Zungu was seemingly celebrating a special moment with Tembe, and a photo shared to his WhatsApp story shows the pair holding a baby girl, allegedly Zungu's. Miami and milestones 2023 was also the year that Shabalala and Bogatsu allegedly celebrated their own milestone – their alleged engagement in August in Miami. Tembe and Reggie Kukama – a well-known friend and associate of Mashatile's – as well as Kukama's son were allegedly there to witness the special occasion. Kukama and Mashatile are members of the so-called 'Alex mafia', a group of successful businessmen and politicians who hail from Alexandra, Johannesburg. More pictures from the same year show Shabalala and Bogatsu arm-in-arm with Zungu and his wife, Nozipho. Another image shows the alleged couple with a close friend at a lunch hosted for the group. Another shows Bogatsu and Shabalala alongside the ANC's Tony Yengeni in an intimate lunch setting. On 2 February 2024, the day before the lottery bids were due, Shabalala, Bogatsu, Tembe and his wife, Princess Nandoyesizwe Tembe (formerly Zulu), were photographed at the opening of the Anele Tembe Library at Durban Girls' College. It was a special occasion for Tembe as a grieving father. His daughter Anele died in 2001 after falling from a balcony in the presence of her then fiancé, rapper Kiernan AKA Forbes. Forbes died two years later after being shot in Durban. 'Not enough to buy an aeroplane' In response to amaBhungane's questions, Tembe dismissed questions about his relationships as an 'invasion of privacy and humiliating'. He said that in his various positions, he has met 'almost all leaders across the political spectrum in their home and my home'. 'It's my duty to share notes on all issues that impact business and to influence them to inculcate and live Godly values. None of them (across the political spectrum) would ever say I discussed personal interests.' Mashatile, he said, had no financial interest in Sizekhaya's bid. He added that the bid was never discussed with Mashatile and confirmed his shareholding in Sizekhaya, but claimed that it was 'insignificant' and 'much less than 10%'. He added: 'The NLC takes the biggest chunk of the top line and winnings even higher. No shareholder would make money to buy an aeroplane.' Political alignment Tau and Mashatile have also risen through the political ranks together. From December 2000, Tau served as a member of the mayoral committee (MMC) in Johannesburg for various portfolios until 2009, when he was elected to the Gauteng ANC provincial executive committee. Around this time, from 1994 until 2009, Mashatile served as MEC in various portfolios, also in Gauteng. From 2007 to 2017, Mashatile served as provincial chairperson of the ANC in Gauteng and from 2011 to 2016 – the same period – Tau served as mayor of Johannesburg. Parliamentary grilling Tau maintained in a parliamentary portfolio committee meeting this week that the process of awarding the licence to Sizekhaya Holdings was fair, but said he would go back and investigate allegations of a conflict of interest between the Deputy President and his sister-in-law. 'Fit and proper is a continuous process. There are allegations that have been raised in the media,' Tau said. 'We have looked at those allegations and we will look at them because they are specific allegations; you cannot ignore them. It would be irresponsible of us to ignore what has been raised in the public domain by investigative journalists in the media and so on.' Tau added that they would get appropriate advice on whether the Deputy President's relationship constitutes a conflict of interest, political affiliation and any other considerations. DM


Mail & Guardian
a day ago
- Mail & Guardian
The privatisation agenda will not save South Africa
For the many who rightly feel abandoned by the government, and are sick of the state's failures, the private sector stepping in to solve problems with energy, water and logistics might appear rational and necessary. (John McCann/MG) The World Bank has approved a $1.5 billion loan to South Africa. The Does this new loan not contradict and undermine the government's stated efforts to practice fiscal responsibility and restrained government spending? For the past several years, the treasury has nourished Since 2010, the government has taken on As irrational as treasury's loan agreements with the World Bank might seem to the public, it operates within a logic that justifies the broader agenda being pursued by the government of national unity (GNU). Behind the curtain of political theatre surrounding debates on education, land reform and black economic empowerment (BEE), the GNU is united by an unwavering commitment to a series of structural reforms that will extend an exploitative, undemocratic and costly dependence on private investment for public infrastructure development and operation. For the many who rightly feel abandoned by the government, and are sick of the state's failures, the private sector stepping in to solve problems with energy, water and logistics might appear rational and necessary. The idea that private sector firms, and the capitalists who run them, are inherently more efficient, less corrupt and unburdened by political ideology is so pervasive an assumption that it barely receives any interrogation. Perhaps the most potent illusion this unexamined assumption instills is that what is best for big business is best for people. In reality, maintaining profitability, cutting operational costs, minimising risk to investors, maximising shareholder value, ensuring returns on investment, remaining competitive and being exposed to the fluctuation of markets means that private sector firms — as an unavoidable imperative of surviving in a capitalist economy — will always put their prosperity over the welfare of the public. This is evidenced by international experiences in both developed and developing countries. In the The adoption of the Rather than capacitating municipalities to deliver services on the basis of human need, national budget transfers to municipalities were reduced, non-core functions were outsourced to expensive private contractors and municipalities were compelled to pursue A central component of placing public utilities and services into the hands of private operators is fiscal consolidation, that is, austerity. Austerity then shrinks the role of the state, weakening its ability to service the public and enforces reliance on private firms, clearing space for market competition. Austerity measures in nations such as Private companies also need to reduce the cost of labour, requiring workers who are easy to hire and easy to fire, unprotected by collective bargaining and often compelled to work without the lifeline of a minimum wage. Around the world, creating The set of reforms being proposed, and gradually implemented, by the GNU are not novel inventions but belong to a tradition of economic practice that has dominated macroeconomic policymaking in South Africa and around the world since the 1980s. This economic practice has come to be known as neoliberalism. Although a term often casually tossed around, a concrete definition of neoliberalism recognises that it is both an economic The theory proposes that 'human well-being can be best advanced by liberating individual entrepreneurial freedom and skills within a framework characterised by strong property rights, free markets and free trade'. As a political project, neoliberalism aims to 're-establish the conditions for capital accumulation and to restore the power of economic elites'. To achieve the aims of neoliberalism, the role of the state is to create and preserve the institutional framework appropriate to the practice of capital accumulation. The coalition government is advancing a surrender of public infrastructure development, basic service provision and equitable economic growth to the profit-maximising interests of domestic private companies, multinational corporations and international financial institutions. As an example, the World Bank's use of the term 'modernisation' is merely a euphemism for the continued liberalisation of the energy and logistics sector, further commercialising state-owned enterprises and eventually leading to their privatisation. Liberalisation — which is the removal of government regulations, the breaking down of monopolies and facilitation of competition — precedes or coincides with commercialisation, setting the scene for private participation and market competition. Through commercialisation, public utilities and services that should have a mandate to serve the public good are turned into enterprises that prioritise revenue and profitability. Their services are brought into a competitive market consisting of private firms with a mandate to make profits. Privatisation, the process of transferring ownership and control of public assets and services to private entities to be run on a commercial basis, is often preceded by the liberalisation of public sector utilities and the commercialisation of public services. The logic behind the GNU's agenda is for the government, using its authority to create legislation and enforce policy, to forge the most hospitable conditions for capital accumulation by cultivating a business friendly environment that will attract private investment in infrastructure, increase the efficiency of key economic sectors and grow our economy, producing jobs and reducing poverty. Weaving sermons in the editorial rooms of the corporate-sponsored media and evangelising in the offices of the treasury, the priests of this trickle-down gospel portray private investment as South Africa's sole salvation. The policy plans of government are not a rhetorical wishlist, but are clearly laid out in The unbundling of Eskom and creation of a competitive electricity market to introduce private sector participation in generation, distribution and private The Continued fiscal consolidation — that is, austerity measures (budget cuts or limits on social welfare, public employment stimulation, tight monetary policy and regressive taxation to achieve a budget-surplus); Mobilising up to R1 trillion in financing from the private sector for infrastructure development through Increased reliance on The gradual imposing of labour-market flexibility, that is, deregulating the labour market to decrease the cost of labour for employers (weaken collective bargaining, lower minimum wage requirements and reduce employment benefits). What we are witnessing is the exploitation of crises — specifically the crises of unemployment, economic stagnation and state incapacity — to justify the enforcement of policies that have failed to deliver desired outcomes in both developed and developing countries across the world for the past 50 years. The most important element of the GNU's structural reform agenda is the drive for private financing of public infrastructure development through public-private partnerships. Global institutional investors — be it the World Bank or multinational investment banks — are using the burden of sovereign debt (which limits fiscal space for domestic resource mobilisation and state-driven investment), alongside the justification of meeting In the past several years this has largely occurred through Because infrastructure projects, especially for natural monopolies such as electricity or water provision, require immense capital investment and come with a series of risks (design defects, project delays, foreign exchange volatility, land acquisition, labour protections and so forth), governments have to ensure infrastructure development is This is done to make infrastructure projects investable and profitable. The state takes on risk through providing private investors credit guarantees, enforcing cost-reflective tariffs, providing subsidies or tax breaks. Through these de-risking mechanisms, risk is transferred onto the government's balance sheet, coming at the cost of public investment, which a country like South Africa needs to eradicate unemployment, poverty and inequality. In countries such as Spain, Mexico, India, Peru, Nepal, Scotland and Liberia the commercialisation or partial privatisation of public utility and services through public-private partnerships Moreover, democratic accountability and the need for transparency in the provision of public goods has been undermined when crucial infrastructure is handed over to private hands. In developing countries such as South Africa, the growing reliance on private companies to deliver public services and build public infrastructure The government has retained a commitment to neoliberalism for decades, whether through the Growth, Employment and Redistribution, the Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiatives for South Africa, the National Development Plan or the Reconstruction and Recovery Plan. We keep trying the same things while expecting different results. About 12.7 million are unemployed and half the population of the country lives in poverty. Such conditions are unsustainable and explosive. New, politically imaginative and effective policy solutions are needed. Andile Zulu is with the Alternative Information and Development Centre in Cape Town.


The Citizen
a day ago
- The Citizen
Industry leaders launch market surveillance code as Steinhoff fallout lingers
Aims to uphold integrity and prevent abuse, anti-competitive behaviour, and insider trading. FSCA investigators spend about 20% of their time assisting foreign regulators, including gathering trading records and financial data. Picture: Moneyweb The Financial Sector Conduct Authority (FSCA) has had to manage some of the most complex market abuse cases in the past eight years, including Steinhoff, regarded as the country's biggest corporate scandal to date. 'It's really been challenging,' says Alex Pascoe, head of market abuse at the FSCA. 'From December 2017, when Steinhoff announced accounting irregularities and its CEO Markus Jooste resigned, everything spiralled.' Pascoe was speaking at the launch of the South African Market Surveillance Code of Conduct in Cape Town on Tuesday, where he gave an account of the regulator's most prominent cases. The newly launched code of conduct is a joint initiative by South Africa's key financial institutions and regulators to align the country's market practices with global best standards. It aims to uphold market integrity and prevent abuse, anti-competitive behaviour, and insider trading. Although it does not replace existing regulations, it reinforces accountability from all market participants. ALSO READ: FSCA juggling high-profile cases with limited resources Case load Pascoe notes that the FSCA receives roughly 42 to 45 market abuse cases per year, but finalised 78 cases in its last financial year by implementing a World Bank-recommended case selection framework. Pascoe reflected on how the fallout from Steinhoff forced the FSCA to re-evaluate how it allocates investigative capacity. 'Everybody knew Jooste was Steinhoff, and Steinhoff was Jooste,' he says. 'From there on it spiralled – Viceroy and Tongaat [another accounting scandal], a mini-Steinhoff followed. It took a lot of resources to manage those cases, especially since they involved cross-border transactions.' (The Viceroy case refers to the FSCA's investigation into the US-based short-selling firm Viceroy Research, which was fined R50 million for publishing false and misleading statements about Capitec. The Tongaat accounting scandal involved the manipulation of financial statements by senior executives at sugar producer Tongaat Hulett to overstate the company's assets and profits.) ALSO READ: Secrecy surrounded Jooste's big FSCA fine and arrest warrant Jooste a 'brilliant' schemer The Steinhoff investigation is far from over. 'Last year we issued fines to Markus Jooste [of] R495 million. We are looking at his deceased estate and assets around the world,' said Pascoe. 'We won't just leave it at that. Ill-gotten gains – be [he] dead or alive – that's how serious we are. We are seeing this right through.' (Jooste, who faced multiple charges of fraud and racketeering and hefty fines from the JSE and the FSCA for financial misconduct, fatally shot himself in Hermanus in March 2024.) The South African Reserve Bank has already attached R1.4 billion in assets belonging to Jooste, but the global search continues. 'Most of his funds were hidden overseas,' says Pascoe. He adds that a second investigative report into Steinhoff is underway and has been shared with the commercial crimes court. 'Once preliminary findings are in, they [respondents] could make submissions.' Reflecting on lessons learned from Steinhoff, Pascoe says be on the lookout for a dominant CEO. The way Jooste set up the schemes was brilliant. ALSO READ: FSCA fines Markus Jooste R475 million, refers case to Hawks 'Only certain individuals knew what he wanted them to know. Nobody had the full picture.' He adds that Jooste's devices were wiped every two weeks, and hardly anything was documented. Steinhoff's complex global structure, multiple acquisitions, and lack of transparency made it difficult for stakeholders to understand the company's financial position. 'It was difficult to keep up and understand how everything fitted in,' says Pascoe. He also points to poor internal controls and captured auditors in Europe as contributing factors. 'The audits were not up to standard. And then, the culture of not questioning management.' FSCA investigators spend about 20% of their time assisting foreign regulators, including gathering trading records and financial data. 'We're getting requests from all over the world – Sweden, Belgium, even Pakistan,' said Pascoe. 'A lot of suspicious transactions are from overseas, and no longer from the JSE.' ALSO READ: Who will pay Markus Jooste's R510 million penalties now? Shadow trading The need for international collaboration was echoed by Tony Sio, head of regulatory strategy and innovation at Nasdaq's Anti-Financial Crime division, who also spoke at Tuesday's event. Sio shared developments in market abuse investigations, including a growing focus on shadow trading – a form of misconduct that remains largely unprosecuted but which are increasingly on the radar of regulators. 'Shadow trading is where insider traders don't trade in the companies themselves, but in economically-linked securities,' Sio explains. Although the practice started as a hypothetical scenario in an academic journal published in 2020, it is now being observed in market data. 'We found increases in volumes of linked securities before acquisitions.' He cites the 2021 case where the executive of a pharmaceutical company learned of an imminent takeover and used the information to buy options in a rival company likely to benefit from the news. 'His options doubled in value in one day. He thought he was smart by not buying in the company itself – but he was found liable.' ALSO READ: We can't afford another Jooste from Steinhoff Robust market surveillance attracts global investment Happy Shihau, head of compliance at Investec Corporate and Institutional Banking, who facilitated discussions at the launch event, stresses that the newly launched market surveillance conduct code complements – rather than replaces – regulatory rules and directives. Shihau says robust market surveillance is essential to attracting global investment. 'Investors worldwide seek to engage with trusted financial markets, and robust market surveillance is essential for upholding that trust.' She adds that the new code will help reinforce the regulatory environment and promote responsible behaviour across the industry. This article was republished from Moneyweb. Read the original here.