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Bay Area day laborers say they live in fear of ICE raids: ‘We just come here to find work'

Bay Area day laborers say they live in fear of ICE raids: ‘We just come here to find work'

On the edge of the parking lot of a Home Depot in Alameda County this past week, a woman sold a warm cup of atole, a traditional masa-based drink from Mexico, to a man and his son. She had just returned to her post after a week of hiding at home with her 12-year-old son after hearing rumors of an ICE raid nearby.
'I would rather lose a day of work than risk something happening to me,' said the woman, who declined to share her name due to fear of immigration authorities. However, she said she could not afford to stay home any longer.
Across from her small stand were nearly a dozen men grappling with the same dilemma — day laborers who are hired for all manner of jobs by customers looking for skilled help at a low price, but who are now fearful that the public way they solicit work might make them targets of President Donald Trump's mass deportation effort.
Around the Bay Area, some immigrant advocates have reported that fewer day laborers are gathering at their usual spots outside home improvement stores, moving-truck rental shops and gas stations. But on this day in Alameda County, the men rushed toward vehicles that pulled up. They needed the work.
'We are a little scared because we don't come (to the U.S.) to rob, we come here to work, to give our children a better life,' said a Guatemalan man who also asked not to be identified by name.
This month, as part of a broader series of raids in Los Angeles, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents arrested more than 40 laborers in operations outside a Home Depot and at the workplace of a clothing manufacturer. Immigrant advocates worry that similar raids could occur in the Bay Area, though no actions have yet been reported.
'We feel like it's going to happen,' said Luis Valentan, the west coast regional director of the National Day Laborer Organizing Network. 'The administration is creating a really, really hostile environment and we don't see workers as we did before.'
Trump administration officials have said undocumented workers take jobs that could go to Americans. But advocates say they mostly do jobs no one else wants — a sentiment echoed by Trump himself on social media. Moreover, some advocates say targeting day laborers would amount to racial profiling.
Gabriela Galicia, executive director of Street Level Health Project, a nonprofit in Oakland that seeks to aid vulnerable immigrants including day laborers, said she and her staff have begun carrying around proof of citizenship because they fear being targeted by ICE for being Latino.
'People are scared,' Galicia said. 'They think that at any time they could be stopped.'
Roberto Hernandez, the CEO of Cultura y Arte Nativa de las Americas, a nonprofit organization in San Francisco that promotes indigenous cultures and healing practices, said arresting day laborers is 'part of Trump's racist targeting of Latinos in this country' and goes against the president's rhetoric about focusing enforcement on criminals.
'A criminal is not going to be at Home Depot looking for work for the pay that a day laborer makes,' Hernandez said.
In interviews, many immigrants who rely on day labor work — typically construction, painting, roofing and gardening — said they had no choice but to risk their safety to put food on the table. 'It's not fair,' said a Guatemalan man at the Alameda County Home Depot, who recounted arriving alone to the U.S. five years ago.
ICE officials did not return a request for comment for this story. Home Depot said in a statement that the company is not informed of ICE enforcement.
'We aren't notified that ICE activities are going to happen, and in many cases, we don't know that arrests have taken place until after they're over,' the company said.
ICE data shows that arrests in Northern California have increased roughly 70% this year, compared to the final six months of the Biden administration. While arrests of convicted criminals grew, arrests of people who were suspected only of immigration-related violations, or had pending charges, went up much faster.
The Trump administration has said it intends to reach arrest quotas of 3,000 people per day. To achieve those goals, ICE has begun targeting immigrants who have been vetted and given a legal status to stay in the country, versus focusing on only those with criminal histories.
It's not clear how many day laborers toil in California. A 2007 report by the California Economic Policy Center found there were at least 40,000, and that 80% were undocumented. Studies have shown that they are frequently exploited, with poor working conditions and stolen pay.
These problems and others have prompted the creation of day labor centers run by nonprofit organizations in San Francisco, Oakland and elsewhere in the Bay Area, which work to protect day laborers, while helping them secure consistent jobs and wages.
Though day laborers typically wait in parking lots until potential employers drive up offering work, San Francisco has a day labor center where people can make hires through a more formal process.
Hernandez said he lives about a block away from an informal gathering spot for day laborers in the city's Mission District. In recent days, he said, he has rarely seen the usual throng of people waiting for work. Meanwhile, he's seen an uptick of people coming to the Mission Food Hub, a food bank.
'What I've consistently been hearing from a lot of them is that they don't want to be out on the street because of the fear of ICE, which then impacts your ability to pay your rent, put food on your table,' Hernandez said. 'That feeling scared, feeling depressed, feeling fearful — it's at an all-time high.'
The mood in Oakland is similar, Galicia said her organization, which recently lost $400,000 in funding from the city due to budget woes, regularly checks on day laborers who gather at six locations.
'There is a lot of fear and panic even just seeing cars passing by that may look suspicious,' Galicia said. 'Whenever there are reports of ICE in the community, we see a decrease in the day laborer community.'
On a recent day outside a Home Depot in Oakland's Fruitvale neighborhood, laborers said they hadn't seen any federal immigration officers. Some expressed concern that could change, but felt resigned.
A day later, rumors circulated that federal agents had shown up at the store, but Galicia said that dispatchers from Alameda County's rapid response network, which responds to ICE operations, had not verified those sightings.
And so the rhythm of the workers' lives continued. One man in Fruitvale, who also declined to share his name due to fear of being deported, said he used his earnings to support his wife and their two children, a 2-year-old and a 3-month-old.
The couple, he said, left their home in Huehuetenango, Guatemala, five years ago seeking to escape poverty and crime. They crossed the border by foot, a journey of several days through the Sonoran desert. Now, he splits his time between different spots outside Home Depots — wherever he can land the best jobs.
'If they come, what can we do? There's nothing we can do,' he said. 'We just come here to find work.'

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Trump's aggressive immigration crackdown is getting ICE agents hurt
Trump's aggressive immigration crackdown is getting ICE agents hurt

USA Today

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Trump's aggressive immigration crackdown is getting ICE agents hurt

New tactics are being met with rising public resistance and desperation from suspects facing ICE detention and deportation. Masked agents. Terrified suspects. Emotions running high as screaming crowds press in, cell phone cameras in hand. Amid surging immigration enforcement across the country, federal agents are being hurt and hospitalized as they make increasingly public – and risky – arrests of people they believe are undocumented. White House officials say there's been a 500% increase in assaults on agents, as President Donald Trump's massive deportation campaign ramps up. Administration officials say bold tactics are needed to repel what they call an "invasion" of immigrants. But policing experts say the aggressive approach is provoking unnecessarily dangerous encounters. In a recent incident in Nebraska, a female ICE agent was thrown to the ground and choked by an accused Tren de Aragua gang member who said he was formerly a Venezuelan soldier, according to court documents. 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In some cases, federal agents are getting into shoving matches with crowds trying to film or stop what they consider to be overzealous detentions, especially when the masked agents refuse to identify themselves. Policing experts say ICE agents are exacerbating tense situations with practices that many American police departments have largely disavowed. While there's little objection to detaining violent criminals, masked agents descending upon Home Depot parking lots to arrest day laborers and food vendors – most with no criminal record – sparks panic. "The aggressive police tactics being employed by the federal government are causing the issue," said longtime police supervisor Diane Goldstein, who now directs the Law Enforcement Action Partnership, which has spent decades working to develop trust between the public and police. "Their direction and their leadership is directly putting them in a horrific situation," she said. The ICE tactics on display are a dramatic departure from how cautiously ICE agents previously worked, said Jason Houser, a former Department of Homeland Security counterterrorism official. Houser is an Afghanistan combat veteran who was ICE chief of staff during the Biden administration. Previously, ICE agents prioritized serious criminal offenders for arrest, Houser said. A team of agents might work for days or weeks to surveil a single subject before making an arrest carefully timed to minimize risks to the public and to agents themselves. ICE agents are trained to "think about prioritization of public safety, risk and removability," he added. Internal Justice Department training programs stress that police agencies should focus on de-escalation whenever possible and avoid making arrests in public areas, especially when there's no imminent threat to public safety. "Now we have political quotas: 'Give me 3,000 arrests' (per day). And all gloves are off," Houser said. "It's not about public safety any more." Before Trump, assaults were on the decline An increase in assaults on officers and agents this year would reverse a three-year trend of declining incidents, according to internal Department of Homeland Security statistics. Despite millions of daily interactions with the public, it was rare for ICE, customs officers and Border Patrol agents to get attacked on the job. The agency logged 363 assault incidents in fiscal 2024, down from 474 incidents in fiscal 2023 and 524 in fiscal 2022, according to DHS data. U.S. Customs and Border Protection, which includes both customs officers and Border Patrol agents, has 45,000 law enforcement personnel and is the nation's largest law enforcement agency. Additionally, ICE has roughly 6,200 deportation agents on staff. White House officials declined to answer USA TODAY's questions about the numbers underlying the 500% increase in assaults, including the total number of injuries and their severity. It's also unclear how many additional federal agents have so far been re-assigned to immigration enforcement. Masked agents refusing to identify themselves In Huntington Park, Calif, authorities this week detained a man they said appeared to be pretending to be an ICE agent ‒ a situation they said was possible because real ICE agents are refusing to properly identify themselves as they aggressively detain people. Mayor Arturo Flores said the way ICE agents are acting does not present "the image of a just and lawful government." He said he can understand why people are angry and scared, especially knowing there are potential vigilantes and impersonators operating in the area. In response to the accused impersonator's arrest, Huntington Park leaders asked local police to verify the identity of any suspected ICE agents operating in the city. 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"This is a radical tactical shift compared to Trump 1.0," David Bier, Cato director of immigration studies, in a post on X. ICE officials said they are responding to interference by the public. They say advocacy groups are stalking agents as they try to make arrests, putting the agents at risk and allowing their targets to escape. Federal agents testifying before a Senate committee on June 26 said that during a recent enforcement operation bystanders photographed an officer and posted the photo online with a threatening message. There's been a small but growing number of incidents, too, in which people called their local police department to report the presence of armed, masked men bundling community members into unmarked vehicles. ICE officials also often say that if hundreds of "sanctuary" jurisdictions around the country would hand over immigrants after they've completed a criminal sentence, that would reduce the need for agents to make risky, public arrests. But prior to Trump's enforcement ramp-up – about 70% of people arrested by ICE were transferred directly from the prison system into ICE custody, according to the nonprofit Freedom for Immigrants. Trump's new approach has pushed agents to make more arrests in the community at places like Home Depot. The push to meet a quota is driving agents toward raids and round-ups that expose them to greater risk in the field, says Goldstein. She worries that aggressive tactics combined with masks will eventually lead to a shootout. Twenty-eight states have "Stand Your Ground" laws that allow citizens to shoot if they feel threatened. "If you have masked people running out at you, someone's going to pull a gun out and someone's going to get hurt," she said. Trump's Homeland Security leadership appears to have no plans to back down. "Federal law enforcement is facing an ever-escalating increase in assaults," DHS posted to X, "but we will not be deterred."

The Tribune's Quotes of the Week quiz for June 28
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Chicago Tribune

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The Tribune's Quotes of the Week quiz for June 28

Well, that's just about a wrap on June. But before you set your sights on the upcoming holiday weekend, let's catch up on what happened this week. On Saturday, President Donald Trump made the controversial decision to bomb three key nuclear sites in Iran. Days later, Israel and Iran, who were engaged in an armed conflict since June 13, agreed upon a ceasefire, and Trump said U.S. and Iranian officials will talk next week. As fears of the conflict evolving into a broader war appeared to subside, the stock market made significant gains, closing out the week at all-time highs. In other news from around the globe, U.S. officials attended the NATO summit this week where member nations agreed to increase their defense spending, democratic socialist and state lawmaker Zohran Mamdami declared victory over former Gov. Andrew Cuomo in New York City's Democratic mayoral primary race and the Supreme Court issued a slew of opinions, covering everything from immigration and education to pornography and injunction powers. Locally, Gov. JB Pritzker officially announced his bid for reelection this week, amid speculation that he may run for president in 2028. Universal unveiled its plans for a horror-themed attraction in Chicago, a 'year-round immersive horror experience' that is slated to open in 2027. And the Chicago Police Department honored one of their own this week. Officers, loved ones and city leaders gathered for the funeral of Krystal Rivera, the Chicago police officer mistakenly shot and killed by her partner earlier this month. On Thursday, new Chicago Public Schools Interim CEO Macquline King addressed her first school board meeting, citing the district's $730 million deficit as her top priority. By Friday, CPS laid off 161 employees and eliminated another 209 open positions in a cost-cutting move to plug that shortfall. The Oklahoma City Thunder beat the Indiana Pacers in Game 7 of the finals Sunday night to win the NBA championship. Three days later, the NBA draft opened. Cooper Flagg was picked first overall and the Bulls drafted two new players: Noa Essengue, a 6-foot-10 French teenager, and Australian forward Lachlan Olbrich. Plus, the first round of the NHL draft took place Friday, with the Chicago Blackhawks selecting the top-ranked international player with the No. 3 pick. Meanwhile, in the world of baseball, both of Chicago's MLB teams reached the halfway point of their seasons — though the Cubs boast the significantly better record of the two. Also this week, a White Sox fan was ejected from Rate Field and banned from all major-league ballparks after heckling Arizona Diamondbacks second baseman Ketel Marte. Still figuring out your weekend plans? Chicago's 54th annual Pride Parade kicks off at 11 a.m. Sunday in the Lakeview neighborhood. Or if you're staying in, catch up on 'The Bear' — Season 4 of the beloved Chicago-based TV show dropped Wednesday. With the Fourth of July holiday next weekend, the quotes team will be taking a week off. But don't fear! We'll be back July 12 with your weekly news roundup and quotes quiz. Until then, take care and stay cool out there, Chicago! Here's the Tribune's Quotes of the Week quiz for June 22 to 28. Missed last week? You can find it here or check out our past editions of Quotes of the Week.

Trump's Immigration Arrests Are Seeing A Wave Of Resistance
Trump's Immigration Arrests Are Seeing A Wave Of Resistance

Yahoo

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Trump's Immigration Arrests Are Seeing A Wave Of Resistance

Recent weeks have seen the Trump administration's 'mass deportation' program kick into overdrive. Militarized federal agents are working hard to meet the White House's sky-high arrestquotas, and the number of people in immigration detention is surging past record highs. That means focusing even more on otherwise law-abiding people who happen to have irregular immigration statuses ― people who pay taxes, show up to court dates and check-ins, work hard to provide for their families, and followed previous administrations' rules to apply for humanitarian protections. It also means interrogating people at swap meets, and undergroundparties, or those who just have brown skin. The nationdisapproves, polling shows. Massive protests around the country ― in both large urban areas and small towns ― have showcased Americans' fury at having their loved ones and neighbors ripped out of their communities at random. Across the country, people are also taking action to slow down what they see as the egregious over-enforcement of immigration law, attempting to starve Trump's mass deportation machine of fuel and to throw sand in its gears. It's a tall order. Donald Trump's deportation apparatus is a bipartisan creation that's been decades in the making. Over time, the legal process has exerted more and more control over immigrants' lives, and Congress has failed to do anything to help out-of-status immigrants in recent years except further criminalize them, and write enormous checks for immigration detention and enforcement. As Stephen Lemons observed in the Phoenix New Times recently, 'Trump didn't create America's deportation machine. He's just revving the engine.' But activists and community organizers have worked for generations to slow down deportations ― and, as it turns out, Trump's deportation agenda relies upon some crucial choke points. Here they key opportunity for bystanders to intervene in the deportation process comes during the actual moments where immigration agents may be making an arrest. Take the case of Bishop-elect Michael Pham, Pope Leo XIV's first bishop appointment in the United States. On World Refugee Day last week, Pham and other faith leaders visited an immigration court. The ICE agents who in recent weeks have been arresting immigrants showing up to routine hearings in the building 'scattered' and did not take anyone into custody, Times of San Diego reported. In Chicago, two National Guard soldiers appeared in uniform with their mother at her immigration appointment, alongside two members of Congress. The soldiers' mother returned home without incident. Not everyone has the star power to discourage detentions by their mere presence. But at courthouses and ICE check-ins where Trump has taken advantage of a legal maneuver known as 'expeditedremoval' to arrest and deport people without due process, volunteers accompanying immigrants can document arrests and sometimes provide informal legalinformation to people who might not know about ICE'stactics. There are lots of these kinds of interventions, whether it's taking shifts at a local rapid response network, donating to bail funds, visiting people in immigration detention, helping with translation, contributing child care, delivering food and other supplies to people afraid to go to work, or simply attending a protest. Spreading information about people's legal rights during interactions with law enforcement, known as 'know your rights' information, has also grown enormously popular. In Los Angeles and around the country, immigration agents have used various pretexts to confront people and ask them about their immigration status. Any knowledgeable family member, coworker, or even a passerby can intervene with friendly advice: You have the right to remain silent and ask to speak to a lawyer. You should not consent to searches, nor should you sign anything. If police don't present an accurate warrant (and specifically, one signed by a judge), you don't have to open the door for law enforcement. Printable 'redcards' are a convenient way to keep these legal rights handy. 'Every time there have been raids – this happened in Nashville, this happened in Los Angeles – people are figuring out where they're taking people, and then they're going to the detention centers and telling people their rights as they're being brought in on buses. They're shouting at them, 'Don't sign anything!'' said Jessie Hahn, a senior counsel for labor and employment policy at the National Immigration Law Center, an advocacy organization focused on low-income immigrants. She mentioned people protesting outside of ICE agents' hotels, physically manifesting their disagreement. 'There's lots of different ways to do these bystander interventions. It doesn't require that you be standing there while ICE tries to arrest someone standing next to you.' Direct action isn't always successful. New York City Comptroller and recent mayoral candidate Brad Lander has himself volunteered to escort immigrants to and from their hearings, and was recently detained for several hours by federal agents for it as he locked arms with one immigration court respondent as agents arrested the man. The man is still in ICE detention, Lander said Monday. But it's a numbers game. Lander has said that on previous volunteer shifts, he was able to escort other immigration court respondents to and from their hearings without incident. And with his detention, he likely catalyzed new opposition to courthouse ICE arrests, and trained New York media's magnifying glass on Trump's mass deportation agenda. Importantly, because America's militarized deportation machine has been decades in the making, activists have also mobilized against it for decades. As a result, communities around the United States ― and not just big cities ― are filled with an extensive network of immigrants' rights organizations, from grassroots community groups to mutual aid networks to national organizations, largely led by immigrants and their loved ones. These groups are deeply sensitive to the needs of people facing arrest and deportation, and they've done the work even when the national media hasn't taken notice. Now, they're serving as key nodes of resistance against Trump's stepped-up enforcement actions. The data is clear. Legal representation is associated withbetteroutcomes in immigration court. That's because the deck is stacked against people in the immigration legal system. Unlike in criminal court, people in the immigration process are not guaranteed free legal representation if they can't afford it, even if they're detained behind bars. Also, immigration courts in the United States fall under the jurisdiction of the Justice Department. They're not independent. America's hundreds of immigration judges have a union, but it was decertified by conservatives on the Federal Labor Relations Authority in 2020, and is currently fighting in court for its members' rights to speak publicly about their work. Like other federal workers, they've also been undermined by Trump administration appointees, and they're subject to immense pressure from the administration to speed up the pace of deportations. Trump has also worked hard to create more undocumented people, moving to end deportation protections for over 1 million people who applied through humanitarian channels, including Temporary Protected Status, the CBP One app, and the CHNV (Cuba, Haiti, Nicaragua, Venezuela) parole program. And we've seen immigration hearings and regular ICE check-ins leveraged to increase arrest numbers. In such an intrusive, byzantine, dehumanizing system, immigration lawyers are crucial. They can pursue legal pathways that can slow or prevent deportation, such as the asylum process, while also advocating for release from immigration detention as cases proceed. 'Having a lawyer represent someone in deportation proceedings makes an enormous difference,' the New York Immigration Coalition explains. 'Sixty percent of not detained immigrants with lawyers win their cases, versus 17% who don't have legal help. Detained immigrants with legal representation are 10 times more likely to win their cases compared to those who lack counsel, and are seven times more likely to be released from custody than those without counsel.' Across the country, communities are fundraising for legal representation for people facing arrest and deportation, whether through personal campaigns, local nonprofits or national organizations. Some, including NYIC and Democrats' newly-minted nominee for mayor of New York City, Assembly Member Zohran Mamdani, want to increase government funding for immigrant legal representation. Part of the reason is that when legal representation is run by clinics or nonprofits ― or carried out pro bono by large law firms ― there can be institutional pressure to screen for people with 'winnable' cases. This tension is part of theargument for 'universalrepresentation' for respondents in the immigration legal system, just like public defenders are guaranteed regardless of ability to pay in criminal court. Wherever the funding comes from, the availability of legal representation will be a key variable in the ultimate scope of Trump's deportations. Even though immigration enforcement is a federal job, local cooperation is a crucial part of the operation. Jail space that local governments rent out to ICE is the most common type of immigration detention, one 2020 analysis found. Localities also frequently coordinate law enforcement operations with immigration authorities, including, crucially, the hand-off of undocumented people who are being released from local jails. Laws in Texas and Florida (both currently paused by courts) criminalize being undocumented on the state level. And recently, all kinds of local law enforcement agencies, including university police departments, have been entering into so-called '287(g) agreements' with ICE in record numbers; the agreements essentially deputize local corrections officers, police officers and sheriffs deputies as de facto immigration agents, such that 'in encounters with local law enforcement, they no longer have to wait to call ICE for ICE to show up to make an immigration arrest,' Hahn said. 'The sheriffs in the room, we need your bed space. We need your 287(g) agreements,' Trump's Border Czar Tom Homan told a meeting of the National Sheriffs' Association in February. 'We need that force multiplier.' Over the past few decades, the so-called 'sanctuary' movement has emerged to minimize this kind of collaboration. There's no single 'sanctuary policy.' Rather, the term refers to a groupofpolicies that can be effectuated at the state and local level, all with the aim of limiting involvement in immigration enforcement. Taken together, sanctuary policies can prevent a routine traffic stop from turning into immigration detention and deportation. And, crucially, decisions around sanctuary status are made at the local and state level, so even if Trump and the Republican party control Washington, D.C., anti-ICE activists are still able to make a big difference. To put it plainly, the reason Trump and Republicans hatesanctuaryjurisdictions is because they work. During former President Barack 'Deporter-In-Chief' Obama's presidency, we saw that as more and more communities enacted sanctuary policies, ICE's capacity to arrest and deport people plunged. Referring to 'custodial' arrests, where ICE picks someone up after they've been arrested by another law enforcement agency, the libertarian Cato Institute found in 2018 that 'Local and state non-cooperation with ICE works to reduce the number of ICE arrests[,] as between 70 percent and 90 percent of those arrests are custodial [since 2008].' Sanctuary policies 'reduce deportations by one-third,' while having no measurable effect on crime, the legal scholar David K. Hausman found in 2020. 'This is the time to really focus locally, because you have a lot more power at the local level,' Silky Shah, executive director of Detention Watch Network, a coalition working to abolish U.S. immigration detention, told HuffPost. 'I remind people that sanctuary policies really flourished under the Obama administration because people were just so frustrated by the scale of deportations in the criminal-legal system.' It can be difficult to track what localities have sanctuary policies, as the Trump administration itself recently discovered. The list of localities participating in 287(g) agreements is fairly well-documented, both by ICE itself and groups like the Immigrant Legal Resource Center. (The latter organization in 2019 also authored an 'Ending 287(g) Toolkit for Local Organizers.') But there's no single resource to check your locality's stance on other sanctuary issues, and localities are constantlyreevaluating their cooperation with the federal government on immigration enforcement. The extent of that cooperation is a prime battleground for people who want to disrupt Trump's mass deportation agenda. 'Go to your county commission hearings, go to your city council,' Shah said, noting that community activism has led to major changes, like a 2022 law in Illinois entirely outlawing immigration detention in the state. 'There's people doing this work across the country at the local level, and there's a lot of possibility to protect immigrants.' Trump will vastly increase the scale of his mass deportation agenda with the enormous budget increase he wants to give federal law enforcement, particularly at the Department of Homeland Security. DHS houses the primary agencies carrying out arrests and deportations, Immigration and Customs Enforcement and Customs and Border Protection, the latter of which includes Border Patrol. In addition to further militarizing the U.S. border and targeting immigrant families with onerous fees and exclusion from public benefits, the proposed Republican budget bill ― the so-called Big, Beautiful Bill ― massively expands the federal police budget, with a specific eye toward immigration arrests and removals. The proposal would spend $45 billion to expand immigration detention, including familydetention ― that's over four times more than ICE's entire 2024 budget, and 13 times ICE's 2024 detention budget, according to a National Immigration Law Center analysis. That increase is part of an even larger overall explosion in the size of the immigration enforcement budget, including tens of billions of dollars for hiring thousands more Border Patrol and ICE agents, as well as transportation funding for driving and flying detainees between detention centers and outside the country. 'Detention is the way they can deport people, so they're very, very committed to having more detention capacity, in order to reach their numbers,' said Shah. She noted research from her group and others showing that 'as detention capacity increases, so do ICE apprehensions.' 'There's so much damaging about this budget bill,' she added. 'I think we're in a moment [like the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks] where they're just going to throw so much money at this that they're going to build up a system that's going to be very hard to take down.' Don't just take critics' word for it. Homan has repeatedly said the scale of Trump's deportations depends directly on resources. 'Everybody always asks me, 'How many people can you remove?' I don't know. What do our resources look like?' he told Fox Newsshortly after Election Day 2024. 'How many beds are we going to have? What's the size of the transportation contract? How many resources do I have? How many officers do I have? Can I bring back retired officers? Can [the Department of Defense] help, with a lot of the stuff that doesn't require arrest, where you don't have to have a badge and a gun and immigration authority? There are a lot of things — whether it's transportation, or logistics, or infrastructure-building — that DOD can do.' In a Fox Business interview Wednesday, Homan hammered home a similar argument, calling the proposed massive budget increases 'imperative' to procure more agents, detention beds, transportation streams, and resources to 'target' people for arrest. 'Get it done,' he told members of Congress. 'We need the funds to get this done.' 'It's Entrapment': ICE Accused Of Detaining Immigrants In Court Building Overnight During Routine Check-Ins Neighbors Band Together To 'Shame' ICE Agents Out Of Their Community, And It's Powerful California Rep: 'We Don't Want ICE In Our Community. We Want You Out.'

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