
The political sorcery of 'harmless buffoon' Sir John Harington
By Matt Ryan, Newcastle University
For the first few weeks of October 1599, Queen Elizabeth I was furious. The target of her rage? Her godson, Sir John Harington. Poet, inventor and wannabe statesman, Harington had accompanied the Earl of Essex earlier that year on an ill-fated Irish campaign to subdue the forces of Hugh O'Neill, Earl of Tyrone. Humiliated on the battlefield, Essex and Harington retreated across the Irish Sea without the surrender they were after.
But they didn't leave entirely empty-handed, and the document they carried back to England was the source of the queen's fury. On September 7th, Essex met with O'Neill on the banks of the river Glyde, at the border between Monaghan and Louth. It was here, without the permission of his monarch, that Essex signed a controversial peace treaty with the Earl of Tyrone.
When word trickled back to Westminster, the queen was not amused, and the fallout would play a crucial part in sending Essex to the executioner's block two years later. Harington fared better and managed to wriggle himself back into his godmother's good graces. Yet, if she'd known about his actions at the meeting with O'Neill, he too might have lost his head.
Harington spent much of his career presenting himself as a harmless buffoon, too fond of 'jestes… sportes and frolicks' to be taken seriously. Relegated to the footnotes of literary history, he is chiefly remembered as a minor figure who never made it as either poet or politician.
But this is exactly what he wanted. A canny operator, Harington's bluff persona obscured a hidden life: he was connected to several prominent Catholic families, circulated dozens of banned books and wrote reams of politically explosive poems which never saw the light of day. These secret endeavours often led Harington into dangerous territory.
On the morning of Essex's meeting with O'Neill, Harington risked his neck with a carefully coded message to an enemy. In a letter to John Carey, justice of the peace for Cambridge, he recounts how Sir William Warren and himself were despatched to begin negotiating the treaty with O'Neill. According to this version of events, Warren and O'Neill set about the discussing the truce, while Harington was assigned babysitting duties.
Nudged out of the important business of the day, the queen's gregarious godson decided to take matters into his own hands and began to read from his translation of Ludovico Ariosto's Orlando Furioso (1591) to the Earl's sons. An epic poem full of sorcerers, fantastical voyages and a loveable flying horse, Harington's reading material must have seemed harmless enough.
But his performance clearly caught the ear. In his letter to Carey, he reveals how O'Neill's attention was drawn toward the contents of his elaborately printed book. Before long, the Earl 'call'd to see it openly.' Here was Harington's chance: granted an audience with the most notorious man in Ireland, the opportunity had arrived for one of his trademark sleights of hand.
The letter to Warren explains how Harington 'turn'd (as it had been by chance) to the beginning of the 45th canto' and launched into his oration. Canto 45 refers to Elizabeth's time as her sister Mary I's prisoner. Here, to supplement the action in the poem, he retells the story of how the young princess 'wrote in the window… with a diamond: much suspected by me, nothing proved can be.'
Harington's choice of verse was dangerously double-edged. On the surface, it demonstrates his commitment to his godmother: she was wrongly imprisoned and overcame adversity. Delivered to a political radical on the banks of the Glyde, however, it carries with it a more explosive message: shifts of fortune can impact anyone, but things will turn eventually.
Placed in context, this passage serves not only as a demonstration of public loyalty to the queen, but also as a dangerous message of hope to an exiled enemy. To his fellow Elizabethans, the 'hidden drift' of Harington's words seems to have gone unnoticed. O'Neill, however, got the hint, and 'solemnly swore his boys should read all the book over to him.'
Harington was always aware of his audience and his cautious handling of words in person and on the page kept his secrets hidden
The brilliance of this moment lies in Harington's carefully managed bait-and-switch. Apparently happy to sit on the sidelines with the kids, he must first have appeared a harmless fop to O'Neill. Feigning nonchalance, this seemingly idle-minded courtier is called to read, thumbs through Orlando and falls as if 'by chance' on what appeared to be a random verse. Then, as if from nowhere, he casually tosses into the Earl's lap a political hand grenade wrapped inside what is revealed to be a judiciously chosen, and carefully coded passage. A masterclass in conjuring, this moment sees Harrington suddenly transformed from children's entertainer into the political sorcerer he was.
Even the letter to Carey is a savvy bit of gamesmanship. While he served in the Elizabethan court, Carey appears to have held Catholic sympathies and was tied up with a network of anti-Elizabethan courtiers. Harington wrote a relentless stream of letters home from Ireland, but never mentioned this episode to any of his other courtly contacts. Harington was always aware of his audience, and his cautious handling of words in person and on the page kept his secrets hidden. On that September morning in 1599, this verbal dexterity likely saved him from his godmother's axeman.

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Irish Examiner
40 minutes ago
- Irish Examiner
It's crystal clear that an unregulated digital world carries far too many risks for the young
An EU-wide survey published last month, found that overall, one in three Europeans surveyed were concerned that there were insufficient online protections for children and young people. Digging a little deeper, Irish people were more sanguine than the average European about how digital rights and principles were applied, with almost half of those questioned in Ireland (49%) being satisfied compared to a European average of 42%. And yet, for those who care for and work for and with children, and have seen the harms that can occur, it is crystal clear that the digital world carries far too many risks for children and young people. Regulating tech platforms to produce systems and material that do not harm children is an ongoing topic at both Irish government and regulator level, and at EU level too. Now, in this second half of July, some important advances have been made. After long deliberations, the European Commission issued guidelines on Monday, July 14, to a wide number of tech platforms setting out how they are to apply EU legislation – particularly the Digital Services Act – to better protect children and young people from engaging with illegal and harmful content online. While the Act was there already, these guidelines are more practical, more precise, with clearer emphasis on ensuring children's human rights and equality are respected. They emphasise that platforms must identify how risky their content is to children, and then take practical and workable steps so that children don't access it. They will have to ensure that their recommender systems – which control things like the 'For You' function on apps – is stricter for young people on the company's site. They must have practical, effective age assurance systems to stop children from accessing inappropriate content. In a nutshell, the privacy, safety and security of the child and their best interest is to be central to the platform's consideration. Meanwhile back at home, the second and final section of Coimisiún na Meán's Online Safety Code comes into effect today. This applies to a smaller number of companies but includes some of the largest social media companies, which have their European headquarters in Ireland. Those companies have had obligations under the first part of the Online Safety Code since last November which meant that they were obliged to take steps to protect children and young people from content which could "impair their physical mental or moral development". The second part of the code, going live today, puts specific obligations on companies to effectively prevent children from accessing adult-only content such as pornography and to have good parental control and flagging systems. While we would want to see the regulators playing a much stronger role in enforcing uniform, high safety standards, rather than each platform setting its own rules, these requirements will mean that there will be better protections for children and young people using these online platforms/services. At the end of the day, that is progress. While tech companies, for the most part, will say that they welcome fair regulation, there is some restiveness. Coimisiún na Meán, the Irish regulator, has had to issue a formal notice to X – formerly Twitter - to say that it's not satisfied with the information X has submitted about the protection of young people on its platform. And the same company is challenging the regulator about whether the entire code should apply to it at all. A step forward These regulatory changes come with few fireworks and clashing cymbals, but they need to be acknowledged. They are a step forward. They also need to be widely known. They will have to be monitored and implemented by Coimisiún na Meán but the rest of us – caregivers, educators, child rights organisations and advocates - will also need to know what's there to highlight discrepancies, to complain about breaches, to require the tech platforms to be a bit more responsible for children's safety. We will also have to continue to highlight that while technology is with us and brings great benefits to everyone including children and young people, tech platforms and those who are in the business of making sometimes extraordinary profits from selling their digital products and advertising to us, must do it in a way that is decent and fair. We will need to be a lot less complacent than the recent survey shows we have been about the welfare and rights of our children. And we will need to continue to insist that our government and our regulators continue to scrutinise the tech industry to ensure the safety and rights of children and young people in Ireland in this, our digital world. Noeline Blackwell is the Online Safety Co-Ordinator with the Children's Rights Alliance


Irish Examiner
40 minutes ago
- Irish Examiner
Return to office: a power grab masquerading as policy
Let's stop pretending return-to-office mandates are about collaboration. They're not about team culture or innovation. They're about control. Executives who built their power on parking passes, proximity, and title inflation are demanding a return to rituals that reinforce their relevance. The corner office means little when the top-performing team member is working from Kerry or Kraków. What we're witnessing isn't a strategy, it's a cultural counterattack from a generation that feels left behind. Productivity was never the issue. Microsoft, Meta, and other high-output firms have reported better retention and performance under hybrid models, while companies like Amazon and Google slashed thousands of jobs even as they pushed people back into buildings. In January 2025, Amazon targeted 14,000 managerial positions for elimination shortly after its RTO policy rollout. Meanwhile, leaders cited 'culture restoration' while morale tanked and attrition soared. When the people still getting results from home are the same ones being told to 'show commitment', the message becomes clear: it's not about performance. It's about presence and who gets to enforce it. Returning to the office is costly and the bill isn't paid by the executives. Workers who moved to affordable areas during lockdowns now face long commutes, higher fuel costs, and childcare disruptions just to sit in open-plan silence and take Zoom calls they could've done from home. Dublin rents are among the highest in Europe, with some counties reporting fewer than 50 affordable HAP units in total. The Simon Community's 2025 housing snapshot showed systemic undersupply across key Irish cities. For workers, the message is: subsidise the real estate contracts your employer signed in 2017 or risk being labeled 'non-collaborative.' That's not strategy. That's displacement policy in corporate packaging. At the same time, surveillance is spreading under the guise of productivity. From keystroke tracking to badge swipe audits, companies now monitor everything from meeting engagement to emotional tone. Axios and AI Now have detailed how AI-driven oversight tools are reshaping the workplace into a lab experiment with dashboards. Employees are told to bring their 'authentic selves' to work—but only if that self is camera-ready, always-on, and smiling for the engagement score. Trust has been replaced by telemetry. And the ones most exhausted by it are the ones being asked to prove themselves daily just by showing up. This isn't just about friction. It's about legacy leadership colliding with a workforce raised on outcomes, not optics. Gen Z and millennial workers don't equate facetime with effectiveness. They've grown up building in distributed environments where deliverables not desk hours are what matter. And while IT departments are designing global infrastructure for asynchronous, cross-time-zone work, executives are still measuring productivity by who's in the lift before 9am. That's not a policy gap, it's a values gap. People aren't quitting because they're disengaged. They're leaving because they've been gaslit into believing their best work only counts if it's performed under fluorescent lighting. The smartest workers are already spreadsheeting their exits, scanning visa options like Canada's Express Entry, Portugal's D7, or the Netherlands' highly skilled migrant programs. They're not running: they're reallocating. Because they've realised something leadership hasn't: proximity is not proof of commitment. And no one's commuting two hours a day to prove they can be trusted to do what they've already done for years. If your ability to manage depends on watching people sit at desks, you're not managing. You're supervising. And supervision is no longer worth the petrol. Not when real work happens in GitHub commits, Airtable dashboards, async feedback loops, and global collaboration channels that never needed a badge scan to begin with. The office didn't die. It just lost its monopoly. And workers aren't coming back to rebuild what's already been replaced. This isn't culture. It's regression. It's a last-ditch attempt to recentralize power in a workforce that's already outgrown it. And as teams quietly update their LinkedIn profiles and explore contracts in cities they've never visited, it's clear who's adapting and who's clinging to an era that no longer fits the work. Trust is the new currency. And those who don't invest in it are about to find out just how expensive nostalgia really is.


Irish Examiner
40 minutes ago
- Irish Examiner
Irish prison overcrowding is now at 'crisis' level
Irish prisons are entering 'unthinkable territory' and may have to use recreation halls and even classrooms to house inmates. The Prison Officers Association (POA) and senior prison sources have told the Irish Examiner that there may be 'no option' given that all physical spaces have been used up with bunk beds and mattresses on floors. The only alternatives are seen as politically toxic, such as expanding temporary release rules to include sex offenders or the 'mass discounting' of sentences. The other possibility would mean reintroducing 'inhumane and degrading' conditions in jails by reopening the condemned old Cork Prison or using E Block in Portlaoise Prison, where there are no toilets in cells, and have inmates use buckets. 860 more inmates than prisons can hold The latest Irish Prison Service (IPS) figures show there are 5,528 inmates in custody, almost 860 more than the maximum prisons can hold. Over 500 more prisoners are in jail today than at the start of this year. In January, the Department of Justice warned justice minister Jim O'Callaghan that prison numbers, at that stage, created 'very great risks' for both staff and prisoners. Some prison sources estimate that if the rate of increase in the first half of 2025 continues, numbers could approach 6,000 by year's end. Dóchas women's prison and Cork Prison are seeing the biggest rise in custody numbers this year. Cork Prison: Every cell doubled up Every cell in Cork is doubled up but it still has almost 90 inmates sleeping on mattresses on the floor, accounting for almost a quarter of all prisoners in the jail. Cork Prison is, by some distance, the most dependent on mattresses of all the Irish jails. 'We said 4,300 was the maximum number that could be housed in our prisons, and passing 5,000 was a tipping point,' POA deputy general secretary Gabriel Keaveny said. 'But we have gone way over that and have increased by a further 500 already this year. We are now getting into unthinkable territory. Are we going to have to open recreation halls and schools to house prisoners as there is, physically, nowhere else?' A senior source said there is 'no option' but to consider changing prison regulations to certify recreation halls as suitable for accommodation. 'Every committal prison is absolutely at saturation point. There is no more space for bunk beds or mattresses,' the source said. The final week of the courts this week, before the summer break, is expected to be busy and prison bosses are said to be concerned about where to house committals and remands. An analysis of IPS figures on July 17, compared to January 10, shows: Total number in custody is now 119% above bed capacity, compared to 111%; The most overcrowded prisons are Limerick female (154%), Dóchas (138%), and Cork (133%); The rate of increase this year is greatest in Dóchas (+19%), Cork (+17%), Portlaoise (+16%), Castlerea (+15%), and Mountjoy (+11%); There are 201 inmates in Dóchas, which has a capacity of 146, and 393 prisoners in Cork, with a capacity of 296; Some 457 inmates are sleeping on mattresses on floors, up 38%, from 356 on April 28 (when IPS started publishing mattress figures); Since then, mattress use has more than doubled in Cork (42 to 87) and Cloverhill Remand Prison (33 to 70), and almost doubled in Midlands (46 to 82) and Castlerea (27 to 50). Dóchas 'in a shocking state' 'Dóchas is in a shocking state,' Mr Keaveny said. 'Cloverhill is so packed they are sending remand prisoners to Wheatfield, in Cork Prison every cell is doubled up and you still have 90 on mattresses, in Mountjoy the single cells are small and only suitable for one person but you have two people crammed in.' He said warm weather is the worst scenario, with the heat in cells and the 'shocking ventilation' with little fresh air getting in. 'Where overcrowding prevails, drug abuse increases and you have more rows and debts and when we intervene we are assaulted,' he said. 'The fact that something really serious in prisons hasn't happened is pure chance.' He added: 'We need 1,200 spaces rapid but we are five years away from the bulk of the promised spaces.' He repeated POA requests to open the old military prison in the Curragh, which he said could take 100 prisoners and open, with refurbishment, the E block in Portlaoise, which could take 200 prisoners. The original IPS capital plan was expected to create 1,100 extra spaces by 2030/31 but Mr O'Callaghan said last week the renewed plan had the potential to deliver 1,595 spaces, including through the redevelopment of the old Cork Prison and a prison at Thorton Hall. The justice minister recently secured Cabinet agreement to accelerate the delivery of 960 of the additional spaces in Castlerea, Midlands, Wheatfield, and Mountjoy. He said that 'subject to the necessary funding' in the National Development Plan, this should speed up delivery by 12 to 18 months.