
Frik Potgieter and Peter Huxham return to South Africa from jail in Equatorial Guinea
Two South African engineers have returned home after spending more than two years in jail in Equatorial Guinea on what the UN has called "arbitrary and illegal" drugs charges.Frik Potgieter and Peter Huxham, both in their mid-50s, were arrested in February 2023 after drugs were allegedly found in their luggage.They were sentenced to 12 years in prison and fined $5m (£4m) but have been given a presidential pardon after a long campaign by their families and the South African government.Their arrest came days after luxury assets belonging to Equatorial Guinea's Vice-President Teodoro Nguema Obiang were seized in South Africa.
A yacht and two Cape Town villas belonging to Obiang, who is also the son of Equatorial Guinea's president, were impounded in execution of a court ruling."We are overwhelmed with relief and joy. The last two years and four months have been unimaginably painful for both of our families," according to a statement released by the two men's families.They were working for the Dutch oil and gas company SBM in Equatorial Guinea when they arrested the night before they were due to return home after a five-week stint in the country.The families had called for the assistance of the South African government as well as that of the UK government, as Mr Huxham has dual nationality."South Africa expresses its sincere gratitude to the Government of Equatorial Guinea for considering and ultimately granting this Presidential pardon, allowing Mr Huxham and Mr Potgieter to return home to their loved ones," said a post on X by South African Foreign Minister Ronald Lamola.The United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention last year called for the pair's release, saying their detention was unlawful.Their families say the pair were arrested in retaliation for the seizure of the assets belonging to Equatorial Guinea's vice-president.The BBC has contacted Equatorial Guinea for comment.A South African official told the BBC it was for the courts to decide the fate of the yacht and villas, and the government couldn't intervene.
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Times
2 hours ago
- Times
Side by side, a slum and gated community show South Africa's widening gulf
Upturned beer crates serve as stepping stones through a maze of muddy walkways in the foul-smelling slum where Irene Jubeju stands at the door of a tin shack. Inside, her three-year-old grandson, Lucobo, lies on a bed. A single lightbulb hangs from the ceiling. 'It's not nice to live here. I would go to America very happily if President Trump would take us,' Jubeju said, nodding sadly at her possessions: the bed, a single white plastic chair and a cupboard containing a bag of rice and two tins of pilchards. Further along the alley, Patricia, a mother of six, waits to fill three large plastic bottles at a standpipe. 'At night there's shooting and screaming. You can't go out. We're not safe.' She added: 'You must call Mr Donald Trump and tell him to invite me and my family to America.' Millions of South Africans watched on their phones last month as Trump harangued Cyril Ramaphosa, his South African counterpart, over claims that the white Afrikaner minority were facing 'genocide'. The American president has granted refugee status to several dozen Afrikaners. To the slum-dwellers of Masiphumelele, they seem like the lucky ones. 'My daughter said to me the other day, 'Mum, maybe God has his favourites',' Patricia recalled. 'Those white farmers are probably right to be afraid of criminal attacks on their farms, but I think our case is just as deserving.' Three decades after Nelson Mandela became South Africa's first black president, the country once reviled for its former apartheid system remains one of the most unequal in the world. Nothing better exemplifies the gulf than Masiphumelele. The warren of ramshackle dwellings, where 65,000 people are crammed into an area of less than a quarter of a square mile, is bordered by a wall beyond which lies another world, a lakeside idyll of swimming pools and manicured lawns. 'People were separate before,' said Jeremy Mathers, a retired naval submarine engineer who has lived for years with his wife in this exclusive gated community guarded by security professionals. 'Thirty years later they still are,' he added, as a black maid swept his sitting room floor. He has watched from this comfortable abode with a lakeside pontoon and a swimming pool as the township next door has expanded over the years, along with his own gated community. He does not need burglar alarms or bars on his windows: the estate is wired with cameras monitored by a team that conducts regular patrols. 'That fact that it's necessary is one of the tragedies of South Africa. There's massive unemployment, and people have to live,' Mathers said. 'The residents here know they live in a bubble isolated form the real world out there and probably feel a little guilty about this. But security of family and property trumps all other considerations.' Down the road, slum-dwellers vie with baboons to rummage through rubbish from another well-off white enclave. Others hand out slips of paper asking for jobs as nannies or nursemaids. 'I am good with children and animal friendly,' said one note thrust through my car window at a traffic light. In a state hollowed out by flagrant corruption, the deepening crisis of crime and unemployment has made age-old warnings of national breakdown feel disturbingly plausible. Wealthy white South Africans began leaving the country decades ago. 'There are 35 dollar billionaires born here who no longer live here, and I can name hundreds of South Africans worth $100 million to $900 million who are living overseas and not coming back to invest,' said Rob Hersov, 65, a billionaire who left in the 1980s but has returned. He accuses Mandela's heirs in government of 'stealing the country to death' and promoting violence against whites. Claims of 'genocide' have been circulating for more than a decade, with vocal support from Trump's erstwhile ally, the South African-born billionaire Elon Musk. • Fact check: Are white farmers being killed in South Africa? Trump took up the matter last month when he hosted Ramaphosa and several officials in a live-streamed Oval Office meeting, playing a video that showed Julius Malema, leader of the far-left Economic Freedom Fighters party, and former president Jacob Zuma singing an apartheid-era struggle song called Kill the Boer. Trump claimed it was inciting 'white genocide'. One of those in the meeting was John Steenhuisen, 49, South Africa's white agriculture minister and leader of the governing coalition Democratic Alliance party. He said he had consulted Lord Mandelson, the British ambassador to Washington, the evening before the encounter with Trump. 'He gave me sound advice: 'Don't answer back, don't contradict him.' But nothing could have prepared us for the dimming of the lights and the TV screen coming on. My heart jumped into my throat. I thought, 'What's happening now?' ' Steenhuisen sprang to the defence of the coalition government, which had been formed specifically to keep the hate-filled militants depicted in the film out of power. The majority of white commercial farmers wanted to stay in South Africa and 'make it work', he said. Speaking in his Cape Town office last week, he said claims of 'genocide' against whites were 'completely false'. South Africa suffers from appalling crime and murder rates: an average of 60 people are killed daily in this country of 63 million, about 7 per cent of whose inhabitants are white. Down the road, Louis Botha, the Afrikaner war hero and South Africa's first prime minister, sits on horseback, cast in bronze outside parliament. 'We have a statue of Queen Victoria too,' Steenhuisen noted. In the first quarter of this year, there were six murders on farms. One victim was a white farmer and the rest were black, according to police. Since 1990, 1,363 white farmers have been murdered — an average of 40 a year. Grant Butler, a primary school headmaster in Port Elizabeth, recalled a tragic 2018 case when the home of a farming family with two boys in his school was targeted for robbery. 'The mother was raped, the father wasn't home at the time,' he said. 'I remember her telling me she couldn't sleep any more. The family needed a new start. They moved to Australia.' The countryside the family once inhabited outside the city is cradled by gentle hills and distant ridgelines that shelter rows of trees from which oranges hang like golden lamps in a green night. One of the region's biggest producers, Hannes de Waal, 58, who runs Sundays River Citrus Company, dismissed the 'white genocide' claim as 'the biggest nonsense under the sun', arguing that farm attacks are the result of common criminality, not an organised campaign. Sitting at the end of a long table in his headquarters, he called 'proper' Afrikaners 'tough and resilient', adding: 'Going to another country as a refugee is crazy.' That did not mean farmers felt no anxiety, he added. The earth is moist and red in the orange groves, the air rich with the scent of sun-warmed rind. Yet beneath the postcard tranquillity, tension hums like an underground current. 'The only question — and it's always in the back of your mind — is when is it going to happen to you?' said Hennie Ehlers, 65, head of 2Rivers Citrus Company, further up the valley. 'You lock all the doors once you're inside at night. You don't leave anything open. You don't know what's going to happen. It's become a way of life.' Rising unemployment and desperation have raised fears that crime will increase. 'People see the gold on the trees and want a share of that gold without realising how much effort, capital and sweat went into producing it,' Ehlers said. The affable silver-haired figure is quick to acknowledge that farm murder victims are not only white. Sitting next to him was his black business partner, Khaya Katoo, and his wife, Crewelyn, who run a farm in the valley. 'These farm murders cut across race,' said Katoo, 50. 'We've got the same security cameras, alarms and smart tech systems at my house as they do here. Everyone is affected. Everyone is a potential victim.' He blamed unemployment for the attacks. 'The government has failed to deal with it. There's a huge gap between the black elite and the poor. The rich got richer without pulling the poor up with them. There's not much of a black middle class.' For the township dwellers of Masiphumelele, though, the daily struggle is not to thrive but to survive. 'Mandela wanted us to love each other,' said Patricia, the mother of six, of the freedom fighter turned president. 'He would be rotating in his grave. He'd cry if he could see what's happening to us.'


Telegraph
3 hours ago
- Telegraph
DRC and Rwanda sign peace deal in Washington
Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) signed a peace deal Friday aimed at ending decades of deadly conflict – a move which Donald Trump has claimed credit for. The two countries pledged to pull back support for guerrillas, with the US-brokered deal demanding the 'disengagement, disarmament and conditional integration' of armed groups fighting in eastern Congo. The US president, flanked by JD Vance, the US's vice-president, and Marco Rubio, the secretary of state, said that the peace treaty was 'a glorious triumph'. 'Today, the violence and destruction comes to an end, and the entire region begins a new chapter of hope and opportunity,' Mr Trump said as he welcomed the two nations' foreign ministers to the White House. 'This is a wonderful day.' The deal comes after the M23, a Tutsi rebel force linked to Rwanda, raced across the mineral-rich east of the DRC this year, seizing vast amounts of territory, including the regional capital Goma, the city of Bukavu and two airports. Thousands were killed and hundreds of thousands forced to flee following the offensive. However, the agreement does not explicitly address the gains of the M23 in the area torn by decades of on-off war, instead calling for Rwanda to end the 'defensive measures' it has taken. Rwanda denies supporting the M23 despite overwhelming evidence. Previous peace deals in the region have failed and crucial questions also remain unanswered. They include whether the M23 will withdraw from the areas they have seized, if Rwanda admits having troops in eastern DRC and withdraws them, and if thousands of Congolese people will be allowed back from Rwanda. Experts have also stressed that while the deal could mark a turning point in the long-standing conflict between M23 rebels and Congolese forces in the eastern provinces of North and South Kivu, large parts of the country remain plagued by violence and instability. In Ituri, a province in the north-west of the country, a patchwork of armed groups made up of varying ethnic groups continues to clash over territory and resources. Both Uganda and Rwanda have been accused of involvement in the conflict, which has displaced more than 100,000 people since the beginning of 2025, according to the UN. 'We hope that this deal could bring lasting peace to the DRC and spread beyond just North and South Kivu, but we know it will take time,' Dr John Agbor, the UNICEF representative for the DRC told The Telegraph. 'We've seen a huge increase in grave violations against children in the last year [...] rates of recruitment and use of children as soldiers, sexual violence, maiming, and killing. And it's not only North and South Kivu, this is across all of the DRC. 'There are six provinces in active conflict in the DRC, until peace is brought everywhere only then can we bring real and impactful difference to the lives of children,' Dr Agbor added. While the US president admitted that he 'didn't know too much about' the conflict and that it was 'a little out of my league', he added that the United States will be able to secure ' a lot of mineral rights from the Congo '. The DRC has enormous mineral reserves that include lithium and cobalt, vital in electric vehicles and other advanced technologies. The deal had been negotiated through Qatar since before Mr Trump took office, but the US president also started his White House event by mentioning a journalist who said he deserved the Nobel Peace Prize. The US president is widely believed to want to win the award, and has frequently criticised its awarding to his predecessor Barack Obama. Last week – before the US bombed Iran and later negotiated a ceasefire – Mr Trump unleashed his frustration on that front. 'No, I won't get a Nobel Peace Prize no matter what I do, including Russia/Ukraine, and Israel/Iran, whatever those outcomes may be, but the people know, and that's all that matters to me!' he wrote on Truth Social. The new agreement drew wide, but not universal, praise. Antonio Guterres, the UN secretary-general, called the deal 'a significant step towards de-escalation, peace and stability'. Germany hailed the 'excellent news', and Emmanuel Macron, the president of France, praised the 'historic step forward'. However others – including Denis Mukwege, a gynaecologist who received the 2018 Nobel Peace Prize for his work to end the DRC's epidemic of sexual violence in war – also criticised the agreement, saying it effectively benefits Rwanda and the United States. The deal 'would amount to granting a reward for aggression, legitimising the plundering of Congolese natural resources, and forcing the victim to alienate their national heritage by sacrificing justice in order to ensure a precarious and fragile peace,' Mr Mukwege said.


The Guardian
3 hours ago
- The Guardian
‘We are privileged': liberal Afrikaners reject Trump's ‘white genocide' claims
For some white Afrikaner South Africans, Donald Trump's offer of refugee status in the US has been seen as a godsend. For others, it has provoked anger and frustration that they are being falsely portrayed as victims of a 'white genocide', 31 years after their community's own oppressive minority rule ended. In February, Trump signed an executive order claiming Afrikaners, who make up about 4% of South Africa's population, or about 2.5 million people, were victims of 'unjust racial discrimination'. The order cut aid to the country and established a refugee programme for white South Africans. The first group arrived in May. Afrikaners, descendants of Dutch colonisers and French Huguenot refugees who came to South Africa in the late 17th century, implemented apartheid from 1948. The regime violently repressed the black majority, while keeping white people safe and wealthy. South Africa remains deeply unequal. White South Africans typically have 20 times the wealth of Black people, according to an article in the Review of Political Economy. The spectacle of white people being flown to the US while Trump blocked refugees from war zones bemused and angered South Africans of all races. For some liberal Afrikaners, it felt personal. 'In terms of being singled out, for progressives it's extremely painful,' said Lindie Koorts, a history lecturer at the University of Pretoria. Koorts mentioned the phrase 'ons is nie almal so nie' ('we are not all like that'). She said the phrase is used by progressives to reach out across South Africa's divides without disavowing their Afrikaner or South African identities – despite it having become a cliche that conservative Afrikaners use to mock them. The rightwing Solidarity Movement, which includes a trade union and the campaigning group AfriForum, has lobbied Trump since his first presidential term for support in helping Afrikaners stay in South Africa, to preserve what Solidarity Movement says is a culture under threat. The group argues, for instance, that a recently implemented education law will limit Afrikaans schooling, something the ruling African National Congress disputes. There is not comprehensive polling data on Afrikaners' political views. However, the Freedom Front Plus party, which is seen as representing conservative Afrikaners, received about 456,000 votes in the 2024 national elections. Emile Myburgh, a lawyer who grew up during apartheid believing that Afrikaners were God's chosen people, said: 'I remember when I was a child often hearing Afrikaners say that: 'The one who rules the tip of Africa rules the world.' So we'd feel very special.' Sign up to Headlines US Get the most important US headlines and highlights emailed direct to you every morning after newsletter promotion As an atheist, Myburgh, 52, said he now felt excluded from the deeply religious community he grew up in. However, he disputed the claim that his culture was under threat, noting that he regularly attended Afrikaans book launches. 'In the circles that I move in, we do celebrate Afrikaans culture,' he said. Zahria van Niekerk, a 22-year-old fashion student, who was raised bilingually to help her get into university, disagreed that the Afrikaans language, of whom the majority of speakers are now non-white, was threatened. 'My whole family speaks Afrikaans … As long as I can speak it with my family, I'm not really concerned.' In May, Trump ambushed South Africa's president, Cyril Ramaphosa, in the Oval Office with claims that white farmers were being murdered for their race. However, Emil van Maltitz, an economics graduate and farmer's son, disagreed. The 21-year-old, who speaks Sesotho, Afrikaans and English, said: 'Most farmers are white Afrikaners, so it can easily be interpreted as racial targeting. I just think, personally, people are very vulnerable in those areas and they don't have a lot of help from the police.' In the last quarter of 2024, South African police recorded 12 murders on farms, including Black-owned smallholder plots, out of almost 7,000 murders across the country. Van Maltitz recalled young black farmers coming to his father to seek agricultural advice, saying it showed the value of South Africans working together. 'I love diversity, I love being around different people,' he said. Schalk van Heerden is a minister in the Dutch Reformed Church, the largest Afrikaans church. He joked that he was a 'missionary' within the DRC, which supported the apartheid regime. Van Heerden co-founded Betereinders in 2017 to bring about 50 to 100 Afrikaners to monthly brais (barbecues) with up to 200 black people in townships, where most black South Africans still live. Betereinders means 'better-enders' and is a pun on 'bittereinders' ('bitter-enders'), Afrikaners who refused to surrender to the British when their side lost the Boer war. When Trump introduced the refugee scheme for Afrikaners, Beterenders put up 10 billboards around Johannesburg and Pretoria saying, 'Not USA. You, SA.' Van Heerden said: 'We want to be proud about who we are … [But] we are not the big victims in this story. We are privileged, we are very grateful and we are thankful for everything we have.'