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The red tape Ireland's entrepreneurs face must be reviewed

The red tape Ireland's entrepreneurs face must be reviewed

Irish Examiner12-06-2025
US president Trump's tariffs merry-go-round continues to dominate global headlines. Firms are weary of the oscillation between 'tariffs-on' and 'tariffs-off' — but this pattern shows no sign of abating.
It's a truism at this stage, but uncertainty has become the new normal.
Understandably, there is concern among Irish policymakers, and indeed the general public, as to what the new economic dispensation will mean for Ireland's FDI-led economic model.
FDI companies operating in Ireland deeply value their presence here and the contribution this has made to their business.
Many companies have invested heavily in Ireland and dismantling investment of this nature and locating it somewhere else is not easily done, even if firms were minded to do so.
And though we don't detect any appetite of this nature in the market there is an issue, however, in relation to further growth of Ireland's stock of FDI in future.
The continuing uncertainty is having an impact on firms' investment decisions as they look to incorporate a 'wait-and-see' approach.
In this context, it is important to look at Ireland's capability to continue to deliver economic and employment growth in a (still hypothetical) world where the level of FDI is lower than it has been.
The health and prosperity of our homegrown businesses will be vitally important in this scenario.
Ireland has a track record of generating world-beating businesses, but the reality is the current policy environment is not calibrated to achieve our full potential in this area.
Successive governments have sought to introduce various policies to foster more entrepreneurship.
Adjustments are made year-to-year across budgets, but the day-to-day reality has been that the design of some of these schemes is not suitable to achieve the desired ends.
Tax practitioners like myself and my colleagues are seeing this on a regular basis as we seek to help clients utilise these schemes.
KEEP scheme
Take the KEEP scheme for example. This is designed to enable companies to grant share options to employees on a tax-efficient basis, essentially so the share is taxed within the capital gains bracket rather than the income tax bracket.
Granting share options to employees is a good way of supplementing their remuneration in an environment where large firms with deep pockets are competing for the same talent.
The issue with KEEP, unfortunately, is it is not working in practice; take-up is extremely low.
What we see in our practice is that firms will tend to opt for so-called 'unapproved' share schemes rather than KEEP, even though the unapproved schemes are taxed more heavily from the perspective of the employee.
Why are they doing this? The biggest reason we can see is the limit that attaches to the total value of share options that can be issued to an individual employee (€300,000).
There is also a limit of €6m on the total amount of share options that can be issued (across all employees) and unexercised at any point in time.
These limits restrict firms' ability to offer really competitive packages across their companies.
Instead, they are opting for unapproved schemes that mean employees can be offered a higher value of share options, albeit in a less tax-efficient manner.
The UK equivalent of KEEP, which has much less red tape attached, works much better, and the Government should look to draw lessons from it.
Angel investor scheme
On March 1, the Government commenced the new angel investor relief scheme which aims to incentivise investment in startups by reducing capital gains tax to 16%-18% on the sale by angel investors of these investments.
It is early days, but we are not optimistic for take-up.
Again, there is a lot of administration work involved for the small firms that are the targeted beneficiaries.
They need to hold two certificates, showing they are an innovative company that is a going concern, and obtaining these involves an application process which many companies would need to undertake.
In addition, investment by family members, a common source of funding for early-stage companies, has restrictions attached.
Taken together, we believe these will serve as a significant brake on uptake of this scheme.
A relaxation of the restrictions on family members and a self-declaration process allowing firms to obtain the qualifying certificates would be preferable.
Another way to increase take-up would be to allow the relief to apply where investment is directed towards follow-on or expansion funding, rather than simply angel investment.
The above are two examples of how Ireland's policy regime could be enhanced to encourage more entrepreneurship.
There are others, including changes to the oft-criticised entrepreneur's relief scheme.
We know we have a fantastic, knowledgeable, skilled and talented workforce. We are lucky to have it.
But at a time like now, when the outlook for growth in FDI is hazy, it's important that we consider how to drive homegrown businesses forward.
In this regard, a wholesale government review of policies towards entrepreneurship is warranted.
Brendan Murphy is a tax partner at Baker Tilly Ireland
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Sarah Harte: Proud revolutionary history of the GPO deserves better than shops and offices
Sarah Harte: Proud revolutionary history of the GPO deserves better than shops and offices

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timean hour ago

  • Irish Examiner

Sarah Harte: Proud revolutionary history of the GPO deserves better than shops and offices

Against the backdrop of increased 'Ireland for the Irish' protests, the story of who we are feels more pertinent than ever, which is why developing the GPO to include offices and retail spaces is a crummy idea. It demonstrates a depressing lack of cultural confidence, which isn't a surprise because the British were so adept at separating us from a sense of pride and culture that we ended up a nation of property developers. Nothing wrong with property developers. As someone who is pro-business, I have the utmost respect for visionary businesspeople who take risks and make things happen, but in their lane. If the French had a GPO with a comparable history, would they have partially developed it as shops and offices? They would deem the idea 'sauvage'. Is it too much to ask that the New Ireland be more confident? Last Saturday, Sinn Féin organised a hands-off our rebel history protest against the development of the GPO into office and retail space. Just over nine years ago, around 500,000 people lined the streets of Dublin on Easter Sunday to commemorate the Easter Rising and what some view as the genesis of the modern independent republic. On both days, people who turned up will inevitably have different perspectives on the Easter Rising. This was also true at the time of the rising, with a plethora of different reactions to the five-day event, which subsequently grew either more hostile or more sympathetic from those who had initially viewed it as a 'putsch without popular support.' When WB Yeats wrote his famous political poem 'Easter 1916', Maude Gonne wrote him a tetchy letter from Passy in Paris telling him how much she disliked it, telling him that 'above all it isn't worthy of the subject.' She sternly told him that MacDonagh, Pearse, and Connolly were 'men of genius, with large, comprehensive, speculative and active brains.' Certainly, our history has never been straightforward and cannot be explained by simplified narratives. Yet, the revisionist line that the signatories to the proclamation were a bunch of bloodthirsty psychopathic terrorists without an electoral mandate who set themselves up as a provisional government and should not have been commemorated at all in 2016 is one that is at best reductive, with an inherent, tedious bias that is markedly telling. A view from the kind of people who get excited at the sniff of the word Royal and see us as a kind of empire affiliate, people who would now happily rejoin the Commonwealth (in a poll last year, 40% were persuadable) and think an honours system here would be great. A South Dublin medic once told me that Chelsea was the epicentre of the cultural world. I greatly enjoyed the laugh that this gave me (head thrown back territory actually), but I suppose one man's feast is another woman's famine. We are all prisoners of our past. Myths are how we explain ourselves to ourselves on the level of family, community and country. The past is shaped by who's telling the story, and that story can never be scientific in its accuracy; it shifts like grains of sand and is always personal and ideological As Richard Cohen, author of Making History: The Storytellers Who Shaped the Past, wrote: 'Every man of genius who writes history infuses into it, perhaps unconsciously, the character of his own spirit. His characters ... seem to have only one manner of thinking and feeling, and that is the manner of the author.' A consideration moving forward is not only how we choose to view and celebrate the past, but also how we honour who we are now. These questions are closely connected. An engagement with the past should dictate an investment in the future, but what do we mean when we say 'invest'? Cultural, intellectual, religious and political influences are increasingly more diverse here. This inevitably means an expanding definition of what it means to be Irish. This necessitates guarding against polemical utterances on who is Irish, because we have new mythmakers who peddle hate and sow dissension, who appropriate the Tricolour for their hollow strains of ethno-nationalism. The shattered remains of the General Post Office after the Easter Rising. Picture: Getty Images As it happens, there is already an interpretive centre in the GPO which narrates our past. We could add to this curation and preservation of our history a place of artistic excellence, intellectual exchange and education that would honour the idealism and bravery of previous revolutionaries. And I don't just mean the signatories to the Proclamation. I mean all the men and women who fought for Ireland in 1916, in the War of Independence, in the Civil War, regardless of what side they were on, who made sacrifices, were sometimes forced into brutal acts, but who had a dream of which we are the beneficiaries. A dream that went beyond shops, offices and high-end apartments for pension funds. They are turning in their graves In other words, in a bullet-riddled historic building, we make new history with a range of voices for a new, confident Ireland, in a broadened culture. We support theatre, dance, art, music, poetry, photography, and literature through artist residencies in dedicated spaces because, in a new Ireland, the cultural ideals on which a claim of nationality rests need to develop. Una Mullally in The Irish Times has written repeatedly and persuasively about the opportunity inherent in developing the GPO and O'Connell Street 'that can inspire and facilitate generations to come'. She's on the nose, although the founder of the Little Museum of Dublin, Trevor White, considers the cultural development of the GPO to be a performative virtue-signalling soporific one. His solution involves converting part of the GPO into owner-occupied apartments, with the proceeds then used to develop social and affordable housing in affluent suburbs. On paper, this might sound plausible, except experience tells us that development for a niche market rarely leads to affordable social housing. Ultimately, this is a well-intentioned pipe dream. To paraphrase him, it's gentrification on steroids. It's beyond the word count of this column to analyse the outcomes of the Part V rules, which compel developers to hold back 10% of a development for social housing. They have been in force since 2000, and saying they haven't been a success is an understatement. I don't disagree with White that people should live on O'Connell Street and in the city centre, but which people? Regardless of your perspective on what 1916 signifies, or even if you miss the days when Ireland was run from Dublin Castle and you continue to tug what you view as your metropolitan forelock to Blighty, our colonisation is undeniable as the defining event of who we are. This feels more germane than ever as we witness imperialist adventures in Ukraine and Gaza, which, as historian Professor Jane Ohlmeyer of Trinity College Dublin points out, are 'legacies of empire'. As the Irish Examiner editorial wrote on Monday, 'We can learn well or badly from history ... we have a duty of care, not only to our own descendants but the wider world we'd like to see.' The marked idealism that characterised the run-up to and aftermath of 1916 is in woefully short supply. That 'wider world' or vibrant civic culture will never be achieved by building more shops and offices, or, for that matter, high-end apartments. Spare us.

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Putin launches missiles and drones attack in night of hell for Ukraine with dozens of explosions rocking Kharkiv

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European Commission to propose merging CAP funding with other funds
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  • RTÉ News​

European Commission to propose merging CAP funding with other funds

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The minster said: "Member States will, through the Council of Ministers, begin the process of agreeing a general approach to the commission's proposals, before engaging in line-by-line negotiations with the EU Parliament and the EU Commission. "This will take some time, and I fully expect the progression of these proposals to be a significant feature of Ireland's Presidency of the EU Council in the second half of next year. "My priority throughout will be to ensure that the legislation finally agreed reflects Ireland's concerns, and provides certainty and stability for farmers," the minister added. Once the commission sets out its proposed EU budget, this will start a process of debate and negotiation that will ultimately lead to a final vote on the next budget for the bloc, that would begin in 2028. Ireland is expected to play an important role in this process, especially regarding CAP funding, given that we will hold the rolling six-month EU presidency for the second half of 2026.

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