
Mehbooba: Urdu being unfairly communalised in J&K
Mehbooba Mufti took to X to express her disagreement over the CAT order. 'It is deeply unfortunate that our judiciary appears to be influenced by divisive politics. Urdu, a recognised official language for decades, is now being unfairly communalised,' she said.
In an interim measure, the Central Administrative Tribunal (CAT), Jammu, stayed Urdu language compulsion and ordered J&K Services Selection Board (JKSSB) to accept applications for the post of naib tehsildar from candidates who have graduation with knowledge of any of the five official languages enumerated in the Jammu and Kashmir Official Languages Act, 2020, which includes Hindi, Kashmiri, English, Dogri and Urdu.
Following the order, the J&KSSB on July 15 put the recruitment process on hold as it deferred the advertisement calling for applications for NT posts which was issued in June 2025.
Mufti said that J&K's administrative work has been maintained in Urdu.
'Our revenue records and administrative work continue to be maintained in Urdu, and it is only logical that applicants for the post of Naib Tehsildar possess basic proficiency in the language. This requirement is rooted purely in administrative efficiency not in any form of divisiveness,' she said.
The CAT's order has been celebrated by Bharatiya Janata Party after it launched a campaign to remove Urdu as a mandatory qualification for naib tehsildar posts in Jammu Kashmir.
PDP leader and MLA Pulwama, Waheed Parra alleged that BJP's attempt to view Urdu through a 'communal lens marks a dangerous and disgraceful new low' in our political discourse in J&K.
Peoples Conference president and MLA Handwara Sajad Lone also voiced deep concern over the exclusion of Urdu as a qualifying requirement for the post of Naib Tehsildar in Jammu and Kashmir, calling it part of a 'systematic marginalisation' of the Kashmiri-speaking majority and a dangerous step toward the 'linguicide' of Urdu.
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Mint
an hour ago
- Mint
India's National Education Policy has been a victim of ignorance
Gift this article We are at the fifth anniversary of the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020. Having been a member of the NEP drafting committee, I am frequently asked, 'You invested so much time on this, what do you think has actually happened on the ground?" The tone ranges from accusatory to genuinely curious. My response: 'It's too early to tell." We are at the fifth anniversary of the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020. Having been a member of the NEP drafting committee, I am frequently asked, 'You invested so much time on this, what do you think has actually happened on the ground?" The tone ranges from accusatory to genuinely curious. My response: 'It's too early to tell." This is partly because two of these five years were roiled by the pandemic, forcing schools to shut down and governments to scramble. And then at least one year after that was spent on recovering lost learning. Combine that with the 20-year time horizon of the NEP and it does seem too early to say anything on how successful the policy has been. But that would be a cop-out, because the NEP did set out milestones along this 20-year horizon. The clearer and more definitive ones were written down. So, while it is too early to tell its effect on Indian education, it's not so when it comes to assessing the efforts to bring it to life on the ground. While the NEP is more transformative for higher education than school education, I will limit my assessment to school education, which I observe closely. An equally large number are attacking it for things that are not even implicitly there. The most amusing offenders are states on both ends of the spectrum—a few that have boldly declared that they have implemented the NEP fully while having done precious little, and then those that rail against the NEP while implementing many of its recommendations. Some of this stems from a misreading or deliberate distortion of the policy, but some of it might be because people just don't read, astonishing as this may be. Some of them insist that they are implementing the NEP, even as they do things that are often antithetical to the letter and spirit of the policy. Others smugly contend that they have courageously attacked the evil that is the NEP. Let us take two examples. The three-language formula has been a feature of Indian education since 1968. If anything, NEP 2020 made it more flexible and responsive to local and regional preferences. Yet, it became a political flashpoint, with critics either unaware of the policy's actual provisions or projecting their own anxieties onto it. Similarly, claims that the policy promotes privatization are baffling to anyone who has actually read the document, which emphasizes strengthening public education. To return to my very brief assessment of the milestones approached, I will describe three under-recognized shifts that are unfolding driven by the NEP—changes that will over time redefine Indian school education. The first is a system-wide focus on early childhood education (ECE). Research has long shown that ages 3 to 8 are critical for every dimension of development of the child—physical, cognitive, social, ethical and emotional. Yet, India's education system has historically neglected this phase. Spurred by the NEP, there is widespread work on curricular transformation, infrastructure upgrades and teacher development for ECE. Everywhere in the country, you can hear the buzz of early childhood education, including in the vast public anganwadi system. We are in the early stages, but this is laying the foundation for a truly equitable and effective system. Children from vulnerable and disadvantaged communities and homes will benefit the most—if we don't let the momentum slip. Also read: India's consensus on school education makes space for optimism The second change is the policy push for mother tongue-based education in gaining early literacy. Evidence is clear that children learn best in a familiar language. Yet, India has not implemented this approach adequately, exacerbating the crisis we have in basic education. The NEP's approach effectively tackles the multilingual reality of our classrooms as well as aspirations for learning English. As states are beginning to adopt this approach, alongside implementing other key policy measures in foundational literacy as well as numeracy and teacher support, we are likely to see an improvement in basic educational outcomes. The third and potentially even more far-reaching set of changes are in teacher education. For decades, the system for it has been marred by poor quality and corruption. In a very real sense, this state of teacher education has been at the heart of our troubles in school education. The NEP has confronted all the issues in teacher education head-on. By introducing four-year integrated programmes in top universities—making them the benchmark qualification and moving the entire teacher education system to that approach—to complement decisive regulatory reforms, we have reached the cusp of a new era. Also read: Invest heavily in education: It's the cornerstone of a Viksit Bharat We often blame India's Constitution for our own failings or use it to legitimize our whims. The NEP has also been treated a bit like that. But much like the Constitution, the National Education Policy has transformative potential. It is up to us to make what we will of it. For a start, we should at least read it. Topics You May Be Interested In


New Indian Express
2 hours ago
- New Indian Express
Robbing poor to benefit rich is Modi government's mantra: Congress on loan write-offs by PSBs
NEW DELHI: The Congress on Wednesday accused the government of distributing "freebies" worth Rs 12 lakh crore to its billionaire friends through loan write-offs over the past nine years, and said "robbing the poor to benefit the rich" is the Narendra Modi dispensation's mantra. The opposition party's attack came over the government's reply in the Rajya Sabha that public sector banks (PSBs) have written off an aggregate loan amount of Rs 12,08,828 crore, from the financial year 2015-16 to the financial year 2024-25 (provisional data). In a post in Hindi on X, Kharge said, "The Modi government has distributed 'freebies' worth 12 lakh crore to its billionaire friends through loan write-offs over the past nine years." Economic inequality in the country is at its peak in 100 years, yet the Modi government is squandering lakhs of crores from public sector banks on its "friends", the Congress president alleged. "Robbing the poor to benefit the rich is the core mantra of the Modi government's economic policy!" he claimed. In a written reply to a question in the Rajya Sabha on Tuesday, Minister of State in the Finance Ministry Pankaj Chaudhary said, "As per the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) data, public sector banks (PSBs) have written-off an aggregate loan amount of Rs. 12,08,828 crore, from the financial year 2015-16 to financial year 2024-25 (provisional data)." "Banks write off non-performing assets (NPAs), including, inter alia, those in respect of which full provisioning has been made on completion of four years, as per RBI guidelines and policy approved by banks' Boards. Such write-off does not result in waiver of liabilities of borrowers and therefore, it does not benefit the borrower," the minister said. The borrowers continue to be liable for repayment, and banks continue to pursue recovery actions initiated in these accounts, he had said.

The Hindu
3 hours ago
- The Hindu
Thackerays Reunite to Oppose BJP's Hindi Imposition in Maharashtra
Published : Jul 23, 2025 11:57 IST - 11 MINS READ 'What Balasaheb [Thackeray] failed to do, Devendra Fadnavis has accomplished,' said Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) leader Raj Thackeray at the Marathi Victory Rally that he held jointly with his (until recently, quite seriously estranged) cousin and former Chief Minister Uddhav Thackeray in Mumbai on July 5. The cousins were sharing a political stage after 19 years, and the reunion followed the Maharashtra government's revocation of two government resolutions (GR) that had made the learning of Hindi mandatory from class I. The rally—marked by visibly euphoric supporters and a strong assertion of language pride—may well redraw the political boundaries in Maharashtra. A GR issued on April 16 made Hindi a compulsory third language from class I to V, and both Marathi- and English-medium schools were required to teach Hindi. The move provoked an instant reaction from politicians, linguists, authors, film artistes, playwrights, and social activists. Framing the issue as an attack on Marathi language and culture, Raj Thackeray urged parents to resist the implementation of the GR. He also asked bookshop owners not to sell Hindi textbooks for classes I to V, and told headmasters to advise parents not to buy them. On April 22, as opposition to the GR intensified, Primary Education Minister Dada Bhuse announced that Hindi would not be made mandatory and promised a revised GR. With the announcement, the issue appeared resolved, at least on the surface. But it was not. Also Read | Why Maharashtra withdrew its Hindi language mandate in schools When the revised GR did not come as promptly as had been expected (it finally came on June 17), Deepak Pawar, a retired professor of Marathi at the University of Mumbai, sensed a 'betrayal'. Two decades earlier, he had founded Marathi Abhyas Kendra to study the challenges facing the language. Since then, he has spearheaded every major linguistic battle for Marathi. Deepak Pawar mobilised like-minded individuals and established the Shaley Shikshan Abhyas Ani Kruti Samanvaya Samiti (Primary Education Study and Action Coordination Committee), rallying organisations committed to Marathi along with educationists, linguists, journalists, and popular Marathi YouTubers. He organised meetings across the State to warn about the possible imposition of Hindi and the sociopolitical consequences of that. 'As the State government delayed issuing the GR, I suspected a bigger battle ahead. Maharashtra has become a testing ground for the BJP and the RSS. Once they succeed in imposing Hindi here, they will alter the State's culture along the lines of Hindi-speaking States. This represents their 'Hindi, Hindu, Hindustan' politics. Marathi cannot become its victim,' Deepak Pawar told Frontline. He met leaders of political parties—excluding those of the ruling coalition—and urged them to demand a new GR minus the clause making Hindi compulsory from class I. Among the leaders he met were Uddhav Thackeray, Raj Thackeray, Congress State chief Harshwardhan Sapkal, Nationalist Congress Party (SP) chief Sharad Pawar, and representatives of the CPI(M). Revised GR and political realignment The revised GR of June 17 also turned out to be controversial: it said Hindi would 'generally' become the third language, but if more than 20 students in a class opted for an alternative, the State would provide a teacher. This 20-student condition was seen as a back-door attempt to impose Hindi in class I. Deepak Pawar, authors, artistes, and other prominent personalities rejected it outright. Even the Marathi media, previously accused of having a pro-BJP bias, questioned the rationale of introducing Hindi from class I. The opposition saw this as an opportunity to exert pressure on the BJP-led government. In an attempt to placate the critics, Chief Minister Fadnavis announced on June 23 that a final decision on the three-language policy would be taken only after consultations with all stakeholders. Meanwhile, language activists stepped up their campaign. The renowned poet Pradnya Daya Pawar received widespread support when she called for a protest march on June 30, the opening day of the monsoon session in the Assembly. Deepak Pawar's coordination committee announced a GR-burning agitation on June 29 and invited all political parties to join. Before long, a political realignment took shape. After his defeat in the 2024 Assembly election, Uddhav Thackeray's Shiv Sena faction has been disintegrating. With the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) election approaching, Uddhav faces a make-or-break moment. The BMC, Asia's richest local body with an annual budget of over Rs.50,000 crore, has been under Shiv Sena's control since 1995, and remains the party's political and financial backbone. Despite losing his party to the BJP-backed Eknath Shinde faction, Uddhav still wields significant influence in Mumbai. Ten of his 20 MLAs elected in 2024 represent Mumbai constituencies. The BJP views Mumbai as the final prize to assert its dominance in Maharashtra. Moreoever, the city resonates deeply with Marathi people. Mumbai was central to the 1960s movement for a linguistic State, and Maharashtrians passionately asserted their claim to the city, which ultimately became the State's capital. Ruling Mumbai remains a matter of pride for the 'Marathi Manoos'. As the BMC election draws near, Uddhav's group once again seeks to revive the issue of Marathi identity. Earlier talks on an alliance with Raj Thackeray had failed. Now, suddenly, such an alliance looks plausible, what with Raj's waning influence and Uddhav's precarious position. Still, Raj was evasive when the Uddhav camp sent out feelers; the former even strengthened his bargaining position by meeting Fadnavis at a luxury hotel on June 12. All the while, the Hindi-versus-Marathi agitation was gathering steam. On June 26, Bhuse clarified that Hindi would be taught in spoken form in classes I and II, and writing would start only in class III. This was taken to be a sign that the government was still pressing ahead with Hindi from class I. In any case, public sentiment had already turned sharply after the June 17 GR, and the Thackeray cousins announced (separate) rallies over the issue; Uddhav on July 7 and Raj on July 5. However, there was popular pressure on the Thackeray cousins to hold a joint rally. Raj phoned Sanjay Raut, a Rajya Sabha MP and Uddhav's confidant, proposing a united rally. Uddhav cancelled his own and joined Raj's July 5 rally. The reunion of the cousins, as expected, made banner headlines. With the anti-Hindi movement gathering momentum, the State government revoked the GRs on June 29. But the fat was in the fire by then, and the Thackerays turned their morcha into a victory rally with all the other opposition parties in attendance. The two cousins took the stage in a glittering Bollywood-style ceremony, indicating a future political alliance between them. Uddhav said in his speech: 'We have come together to stay together. This is not just for the municipalities. But for Maharashtra.' Clearly, battle lines are being redrawn in the State. The challenges ahead for Thackeray cousins The public pressure on the Thackeray cousins is enormous. Their first challenge is to have a cohesive alliance for the elections to the BMC and other local bodies. There are 29 municipal corporations in the State, including those of Mumbai, Pune, Thane, and Nagpur. Elections are also due in 32 zilla parishads (district councils) and 336 panchayat samitis (tehsil councils). Most probably, all these elections will be held by the end of 2025, making them an exercise akin to State Assembly elections. The BMC may be the biggest prize, but elections to other local bodies are also important. Having a credible seat-sharing adjustment for these, at least in the major cities, is important. For Uddhav, another significant challenge is to define his party's role in the Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA), the State-level formation that corresponds to the INDIA bloc at the national level. Joining hands with Raj's MNS with its image of a staunch anti-north-Indian party could be problematic for the Congress, an MVA partner. With the Bihar election scheduled to be held more or less simultaneously with Maharashtra's local body elections, the Congress cannot risk an alliance with the MNS. The changing demography of Mumbai adds to the complexity of the upcoming municipal election. According to Census 2011, there are 44,04,928 people in Mumbai whose mother tongue is Marathi; 35,98,542 people whose mother tongue is Hindi; 14,28,091 people whose mother tongue is Gujarati; and 14,59,412 people whose mother tongue is Urdu. The figures show that the number of Hindi speakers is close to the number of Marathi speakers. If we compare the data with Census 2001, the change is striking. There is a jump of 39.35 per cent in the number of people reporting their mother tongue as Hindi. There is a 2.64 per cent dip in the number of people reporting Marathi as their mother tongue. The number of people reporting their mother tongue as Gujarati has gone down by 0.45 per cent while that of people reporting Urdu as their mother tongue is down by 8.09 per cent. Clearly, the number of people from north India who are registering Hindi as their mother tongue is sharply increasing. In this situation, the polarisation of Hindi-speaking people against a possible alliance between Uddhav and Raj may be a serious challenge. The BJP is likely to emerge as the sole beneficiary of a possible polarisation of Hindi and Gujarati speakers against Marathi speakers. The BJP can also ensure a division of Marathi votes by fielding more Marathi candidates in the city. The BJP's strategy That the BJP-led government took its time to revoke the GRs indicates a well-thought-out strategy. The ruling party was probably testing the phenomenon of 'reverse polarisation' in the Mumbai Metropolitan Region, which is home to nine municipal corporations. A non-Marathi polarisation will help the BJP. A language polarisation might also undercut the clout of the Shinde faction of the Shiv Sena, which remains a formidable challenge for the BJP in the eight cities other than Mumbai. Language polarisation will hurt Shinde if Marathi speakers consolidate in favour of the Thackeray cousins. The BJP can expect to draw the non-Marathi votes and also reap the benefit of a weakened alliance partner. There are enough signs indicating that such a reverse polarisation is taking place in Mumbai and its surrounding areas, helped not a little by some recent violent incidents. In Mira Bhayandar city close to Mumbai, MNS workers beat up a shopkeeper for allegedly disrespecting Marathi. The city's shopkeepers association went on a day's strike, leading to a full-blown Marathi-versus-Gujarati battle on social media platforms. BJP leaders stoked the flames, and a statement by Nishikant Dubey, the BJP's MP from Jharkhand, offended Marathi speakers. The Thackeray cousins, in turn, ensured that attention did not stray from the issue of Hindi imposition. Raj said in his speech on July 5 that he had many Gujarati friends and there was 'no need to beat all the people all the time'. He asked his supporters to not take the law into their own hands if matters could be sorted out by 'just counselling the person'. Uddhav's son Aaditya said that the BJP wanted to stoke the 'Marathi-versus-others' issue. 'We are opposing only Hindi imposition. Workers are getting angry when somebody disrespects Marathi. We are not against common Hindi-speaking people,' he said on July 7. The BJP's ideological leaning also explains the reluctance shown by the government to revoke the GRs. The idea is not new, and the imposition of Hindi in Maharashtra is known to be an agenda of the RSS. The National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 is perceived as being part of the larger RSS plan to 'Indianise' the education system. 'Hindi, Hindu, Hindustan' is at the core of the RSS ideology. The Supreme Court has said that it cannot compel any State to adopt the NEP, and southern States such as Tamil Nadu, Kerala, and Karnataka have opposed it. The RSS, however, continues to push Hindi. The fate of the GRs in Maharashtra to make Hindi compulsory from class I may well be perceived as an ideological defeat for the RSS. Yet, that is not how the BJP and the RSS would like to project what happened in Maharashtra. A day after the Thackeray cousins' triumphant rally, Sunil Ambekar, the RSS' national media-in-charge, clarified that the RSS was in favour of nurturing all mother tongues and not Hindi alone. Also Read | Old formula, new laboratory: Hindutva finds fresh ground in Maharashtra 'From the start, the RSS is clear that all the languages of India are national languages. All people want to take primary education in their mother tongue. The RSS is also of the same view,' said Ambekar in Delhi. Language politics, however, resonates across State borders. Immediately after the July 5 rally, Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M.K. Stalin tweeted in support of Marathi, saying he was part of the battle for Marathi. He also posted on X: 'Raj Thackeray's question about which third language would be taught in Rajasthan is important.' So, it is not just about Maharashtra or Marathi. The language battle is now taking on larger dimensions. The opposition encountered by those trying to impose Hindi in non-Hindi-speaking States offers an ideological counter to the BJP's cultural politics. The governments in all southern States save Andhra Pradesh (led by the National Democratic Alliance partner, the Telugu Desam Party) are vocal against Hindi. The recent events in Maharashtra may well herald a wider battle ahead.