logo
China's 2019 fentanyl embargo led to drop in US overdoses, study finds

China's 2019 fentanyl embargo led to drop in US overdoses, study finds

The Star24-05-2025

US President Donald Trump angered Beijing when he cited China's involvement in the fentanyl trade as the reason for imposing tariffs in February.
But new research indicates that cooperation between the two nations to crack down on the drug's trafficking can disrupt its supply chain and reduce overdose deaths.
A paper by the Peterson Institute for International Economics this month found that a 2019 embargo by China on the export of fentanyl and precursor chemicals caused a temporary spike in the drug's street price in the US, which deterred its use and reduced fentanyl-related overdose deaths by up to 25 per cent over a period of three to five months.
Do you have questions about the biggest topics and trends from around the world? Get the answers with SCMP Knowledge, our new platform of curated content with explainers, FAQs, analyses and infographics brought to you by our award-winning team.
Beijing imposed a strict drug control policy in May 2019, adding all fentanyl-related substances to its list of controlled substances, restricting their export.
'The Chinese embargo of fentanyl exports to the United States in May 2019 does appear to have affected prices,' the paper said, estimating that absent China's restrictions, as many as 947 more Americans would have died from a fentanyl overdose.
The Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) estimated that nationwide deaths from fentanyl overdoses from May 1 to August 1 in 2019 was 2,254, rising to 3,807 by October 1, with the total death toll for the year estimated at 34,268.
Despite the drug's addictive nature, the study found, users responded to price changes: a price rise of 1 per cent was associated with a decrease of as much as 4 per cent in the monthly growth rate of fentanyl-related overdose deaths.
Fentanyl, a synthetic opioid, is the primary driver of US drug overdoses, an issue that Washington has blamed on China, where many of the drug's precursor ingredients are produced.
The US and China have engaged in multiple rounds of negotiations related to fentanyl since Trump's first administration.
Beijing's restrictions on fentanyl came after Trump, then in his first term, met with Chinese President Xi Jinping in 2018 at the G20 summit in Argentina.
Peterson determined that a clear and immediate effect could be seen, with prices for the drug increasing in the US over a limited duration.
However, the research also indicated that as supply routes shifted into Mexico, the effect did not last.
In 2022, for example, after then-US House Speaker Nancy Pelosi visited Taiwan, Beijing suspended all counternarcotics cooperation with Washington.
The report, though, found this breakdown had no significant effect on fentanyl supply or use, indicating that the drug's supply chain had already shifted to third-country smuggling.
After the break over Pelosi's trip, cooperation resumed in November 2023 following a meeting between President Joe Biden and President Xi Jinping at the Apec summit in California.
A bilateral counternarcotics working group was formed in early 2024, but the study did not include its impact.
Fentanyl-related deaths in the US rose steadily for years, from an estimated 29,725 in 2018 to a high of 76,282 in 2023. Until 2023, CDC did not publish exact figures for fentanyl alone, instead tracking death rates involving 'synthetic opioids other than methadone'.
But the sharp upwards trend has begun to ease. According to CDC estimates, overdose deaths linked to fentanyl dropped to 48,422 in 2024.
Fentanyl has also been among the second Trump administration's primary issues with China.
In February, Trump imposed 20 per cent duties on Chinese imports – as well as 25 per cent tariffs on Mexican and Canadian imports – in the name of stopping trafficking of fentanyl into the US.
Those China tariffs remain in effect despite the talks in Switzerland this month that led to significant cuts in other levies.
As fentanyl production has shifted to Mexico, the Peterson report concluded, Washington may need to expand its focus beyond Beijing, meaning that real progress in the fight against fentanyl will require coordinated international efforts – not only with China.
'Our analysis highlights the large potential benefits of international cooperation regarding drug enforcement,' it added.
Chinese foreign ministry spokesman Lin Jian said this month that the US had used fentanyl as 'a pretext' to impose tariffs on China 'without justification', and that China would maintain its retaliatory tariffs.
He also said in a separate briefing that the tariffs 'significantly undermine the dialogue and cooperation between China and the United States in the field of counter-narcotics'.
More from South China Morning Post:
For the latest news from the South China Morning Post download our mobile app. Copyright 2025.

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Anwar set for maiden three-day visit to Italy to boost ties
Anwar set for maiden three-day visit to Italy to boost ties

New Straits Times

time43 minutes ago

  • New Straits Times

Anwar set for maiden three-day visit to Italy to boost ties

KUALA LUMPUR: Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim is scheduled to undertake a three-day working visit to Italy, his first to the country, according to a statement from Wisma Putra. The statement said that the visit, from July 1 to 3, is at the invitation of his counterpart, Giorgia Meloni. He will be accompanied by Foreign Minister Datuk Seri Mohamad Hasan, Transport Minister Anthony Loke Siew Fook, Agriculture and Food Security Minister Datuk Seri Mohamad Sabu, Investment, Trade and Industry Minister Tengku Datuk Seri Zafrul Abdul Aziz, and Defence Minister Datuk Seri Mohamed Khaled Nordin. According to Wisma Putra, during the visit, the Prime Minister is slated to hold a bilateral meeting with Meloni at the Chigi Palace in Rome on July 3. "This meeting provides an opportunity for both leaders to assess the progress of Malaysia-Italy relations and explore new cooperation opportunities, especially in the fields of economy, defence technology, and energy," the statement read. Asean and Global Outlook Both parties will also exchange views on regional and international issues of mutual interest, including the Asean-Italy Development Partner Relations, Asean-European Union Dialogue Relations, and the situation in the Middle East. "The Prime Minister will also outline Malaysia's priorities during its Asean Chairmanship in 2025 and Asean's efforts in addressing regional and global challenges," it added. Wisma Putra informed that the Prime Minister is also scheduled to officiate the "Malaysia-Italy Economic Partnership Roundtable," which will be attended by Malaysian and Italian industry leaders to discuss cooperation opportunities in bilateral investment and trade on July 2. Additionally, Anwar is slated to attend a meeting with Muslim community leaders in Italy and a get-together with the Malaysian diaspora. The long-standing bilateral relationship between Malaysia and Italy is strong and mutually beneficial, supported by continuous growth in trade and investment, as well as people-to-people connectivity. Last year, total trade between Malaysia and Italy recorded a two per cent increase to RM14.61 billion (US$3.18 billion) compared to 2023. For the period of January to May this year, total trade continued to show positive performance with a 3.3 per cent increase to RM6.50 billion (US$1.48 billion) compared to the same period in 2024. Italy is Malaysia's fifth-largest trading partner among European Union countries and the third-largest importer of Malaysian palm oil from the bloc for 2024.

Trump's ‘emergency' playbook
Trump's ‘emergency' playbook

The Star

timean hour ago

  • The Star

Trump's ‘emergency' playbook

TO hear Donald Trump tell it – America is under siege – from within, from without and from all directions in between. According to the president, the country is gripped by rebellion, facing invasion from a Venezuelan gang and under economic assault from foreign actors. Armed with this self-declared crisis ­narrative, Trump has invoked sweeping emergency powers embedded in US law, dating back centuries. He deployed the National Guard to Los Angeles over the objections of California's governor, deported migrants to El Salva­dor with little to no due process and triggered trade wars through tariffs he justified as national security measures. Legal scholars argue these moves aren't grounded in the statutes Trump cites, but are instead part of a broader effort to expand his power – and erode constitutional limits. 'He is declaring utterly bogus emergencies for the sake of trying to expand his power, undermine the Constitution and destroy civil liberties,' said Ilya Somin, a libertarian law professor at the Antonin Scalia Law School. Somin represents several businesses, including a wine importer, challenging Trump's tariffs in court. Crisis has always been Trump's calling card. His first inauguration speech painted a bleak picture of 'American carnage', while his latest presidential campaign promised to reverse 'staggering American decline'. The message is consistent: America is broken, and only he can fix it. Now back in office, Trump appears determined to codify that rhetoric into governance – transforming everyday poli­tical challenges into full-blown emergencies that grant him exceptional authority. Rewriting the rulebook Trump's justification often rests on laws created long ago to give presidents flexibility during genuine emergencies – such as wars or natural disasters – when Congress might be too slow to act. 'These statutes were passed with the expectation that future presidents would act in good faith,' said Frank Bowman, a law professor at the University of Missouri. 'Genuine emergencies do occur and Congress knows it's slow. It wants presidents acting in good faith to move with rapidity.' But Trump, Bowman warned, is testing that assumption to its breaking point. 'Declaring everything an emergency begins to move us in the direction of allow­­ing the use of government force and violence against people you don't like.' The White House, for its part, blames Democrats for failing to protect Americans from national and economic threats. 'President Trump is rightfully using his executive authority – as evidenced by many victories in court – to deliver resolve and relief for the American people,' said spokesperson Taylor Rogers. In truth, the victories have been limited. Lower courts have mostly rejected Trump's emergency-based legal arguments – most notably, his recent attempt to invoke the Alien Enemies Act of 1798 to justify deporting migrants linked to a violent Venezuelan gang, Tren de Aragua (TdA). The Act, which grants the president the power to deport citizens of nations engaged in war, invasion or 'predatory incursion', has been used only three times before – during the War of 1812, World War I and World War II. In March, Trump argued that the gang's presence on American soil constituted such an incursion. But judges weren't convinced. 'There is nothing in the 1798 law that justifies a finding that refugees migrating from Venezuela, or TdA gangsters who infiltrate the migrants, are engaged in an 'invasion' or 'predatory incursion,'' ruled Judge Alvin Hellerstein of the US District Court in New York City. Hellerstein, a Clinton appointee, dismis­sed Trump's framing of a criminal gang as a national invasion. 'TdA may well be engaged in narcotics trafficking, but that is a criminal matter, not an invasion,' he wrote. At least one judge – Stephanie Haines, a Trump appointee in Pennsylvania – agreed with the president, calling the gang's presence a 'predatory incursion'. But she's so far in the minority. Emergency, everywhere Beyond immigration, Trump has applied the language of crisis to a range of issues. In April, he imposed tariffs on several countries, claiming that 'foreign trade and economic practices have created a natio­nal emergency'. The move drew legal challenges and two courts have since ruled against him – although a federal appeals court has paused one of the rulings. Trump departing Morristown Municipal Airport in New Jersey.— Haiyun Jiang/The New York Times California, in particular, has resisted Trump's moves. Officials there sued after he federalised a state militia unit without meeting the criteria – which, under law, include an invasion by a foreign power, a domestic rebellion or an inability to enforce federal law. 'The situation in Los Angeles didn't meet the criteria for federalisation,' state officials said at the time. Meanwhile, Trump has amplified fears of a 'migrant invasion', citing it as the basis for stepped-up Immigration and Customs Enforcement raids and as justification for bypassing local authorities to exert federal control over state matters. The supreme test So far, the US Supreme Court has not weighed in on Trump's recent emergency declarations. But the justices have shown a willingness to challenge presidents' use of extra­ordinary powers – including President Joe Biden's Covid-19-era efforts to cancel student debt and extend eviction morato­riums. Historically, the Constitution contains only two major references to 'invasion': one limiting states from declaring war unless 'actually invaded', and another allowing suspension of habeas corpus in the event of 'rebellion or invasion'. The court's most definitive ruling on presidential emergency powers came in 1952, when it rejected President Harry Truman's attempt to nationalise the steel industry during the Korean War. It's a warning that legal scholars say rings louder today, as Trump reframes a wide array of political and legal challenges as existential threats – and reshapes the presidency in the process. 'In Trump's world,' said Bowman, 'everything is an emergency. And that's the real danger.' ­— ©2025 The New York Times Company This article originally appeared in The New York Times

The bombing of Iran may teach an unwelcome lesson on nuclear weapons
The bombing of Iran may teach an unwelcome lesson on nuclear weapons

The Star

timean hour ago

  • The Star

The bombing of Iran may teach an unwelcome lesson on nuclear weapons

IT has been nearly two decades since any country elbowed its way into the club of nuclear- armed nations. US President Donald Trump, with his bombing of three Iranian nuclear installations last weekend, has vowed to keep the door shut. Whether Trump's pre-emptive strike will succeed in doing that is hard to predict, so soon after the attack and the fragile ceasefire that has followed. But already it is stirring fears that Iran, and other countries, will draw a very different conclusion than the one the White House intended: that having a bomb is the only protection in a threatening world. The last country to get one, North Korea, has never faced such an attack. After years of defying demands to dismantle its nuclear programme, it is now viewed as largely impregnable. Trump exchanged friendly letters with its dictator, Kim Jong Un, and met him twice in a fruitless effort to negotiate a deal. In Iran's case, Trump deployed B-2 bombers just weeks after making a fresh diplomatic overture to its leaders. 'The risks of Iran acquiring a small nuclear arsenal are now higher than they were before the events of last week,' said Robert J. Einhorn, an arms control expert who negotiated with Iran during president Barack Obama's administration. 'We can assume there are a number of hardliners who are arguing that they should cross that nuclear threshold.' Iran would face formidable hurdles to producing a bomb even if it made a concerted dash for one, Einhorn said, not least the knowledge that if the United States and Israel detect such a move, they will strike again. It is far from clear that Iran's leaders, isolated, weakened, and in disarray, want to provoke them. Yet the logic of proliferation looms large in a world where the nuclear-armed great powers – the US, Russia and China – are viewed as increasingly unreliable and even predatory towards their neighbours. From the Persian Gulf and Central Europe to East Asia, analysts said, non-nuclear countries are watching Iran's plight and calculating lessons they should learn from it. 'Certainly, North Korea doesn't rue the day it acquired nuclear weapons,' said Christopher R. Hill, who led lengthy, ultimately unsuccessful, talks with Pyong-yang in 2007 and 2008 to try to persuade it to dismantle its nuclear programme. The lure of the bomb, Hill said, has become stronger for America's allies in the Middle East and Asia. Since World War II, they have sheltered under a US security umbrella. But they now confront a president, in Trump, who views alliances as incompatible with his vision of 'America first'. 'I'd be very careful with the assumption that there is a US nuclear umbrella,' said Hill, who served as ambassador to South Korea, Iraq, Poland, and Serbia under Democratic and Repub-lican presidents. 'Countries like Japan and South Korea are wondering whether they can rely on the US.' Support for developing nuclear weapons has risen in South Korea, though its newly elected president, Lee Jae-myung, has vowed to improve relations with North Korea. In 2023, US president Joe Biden signed a deal with Seoul to involve it more in nuclear planning with the US, in part to head off a push by South Korean politicians and scientists to develop their own nuclear weapons capability. In Japan, the public has long favoured disarmament, a legacy of the US atomic bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945. But it has begun debating whether to store nuclear weapons from the US on its soil, as some members of Nato (North Atlantic Treaty Organisation) do. Shinzo Abe, a former prime minister, said that if Ukraine had kept some of its Soviet-era bombs, it might have avoided a Russian invasion. Russian President Vladimir Putin's threats to use tactical nuclear weapons early in that conflict gave pause to the Biden administration about how aggressively to arm the Ukrainian military. It also deepened fears that other revisionist powers could use nuclear blackmail to intimidate their neighbours. The lesson of Ukraine could end up being, 'If you have nuclear weapons, keep them. If you don't have them yet, get them, especially if you lack a strong defender like the US as your ally and if you have a beef with a big country that could plausibly lead to war,' wrote Bruce Riedel and Michael E. O'Hanlon, analysts at the Brookings Institution, a research group in Washington, in 2022. Saudi Arabia, an ally of the US and arch rival of Iran, has watched Tehran's nuclear ambitions with alarm. Experts say it would feel huge pressure to develop its own weapon if Iran ever obtained one. The US has tried to reassure the Saudis by dangling assistance for a civil nuclear programme, but those negotiations were interrupted by Israel's war against Hamas in the Gaza Strip. And yet, for all the predictions of a regional arms race, it has yet to occur. Experts say that is a testament to the success of non-proliferation policies, as well as to the chequered history of countries that pursued weapons. The Middle East is a messy landscape of dashed nuclear dreams. Iraq, Syria, and Libya all had their programmes dismantled by diplomacy, sanctions or military force. In the category of cautionary tales, Libya's is perhaps the most vivid: Moammar Gadhafi gave up his weapons of mass destruction in 2003. Eight years later, after a Nato-backed military operation toppled his government, he crawled out of a drainpipe to face a brutal death at the hands of his own people. Iran's strategy of aggressively enriching uranium, while stopping short of a bomb, did not ultimately protect it either. 'To the extent that people are looking at Iran as a test case, Trump has shown that its strategy is not a guarantee that you will prevent a military attack,' said Gary Samore, a professor at Brandeis University who worked on arms control negotiations in the Obama and Clinton administrations. Samore said it is too soon to say how the Israeli and American strikes on Iran would affect the calculus of other countries. 'How does this end?' he said. 'Does it end with a deal? Or is Iran left to pursue a nuclear weapon?' Experts on proliferation are, by nature, wary. But some are trying to find a silver lining in the events of the last week. Einhorn said that in delivering on his threat to bomb a nuclear- minded Iran, Trump had sent a reassuring message to US allies facing their own nuclear insecurities. 'In Moscow, Pyongyang, and Beijing,' Einhorn said, 'they've taken notice not just of the reach and capacity of the US military, but the willingness of this president to use that capability.' — 2025 The New York Times Company This article originally appeared in The New York Times.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store