
Climate targets are only as good as the action behind them. We need to aim higher
Right now, farmers in South Australia and Victoria are battling drought, while Queensland farmers pick up the pieces after heart-breaking floods. Globally, 2024 was the hottest year on record and the first time average temperatures surged 1.5C above preindustrial levels. We are living through longer, deadlier heatwaves, devastating bushfires, more frequent and intense floods, and rising sea levels that threaten coastal communities.
This year, the economic impacts of the climate crisis have been severe as well, with Ex-Tropical Cyclone Alfred adding a $1.2bn cost to the federal budget.
Scientists have warned us for decades that slashing climate pollution is critical to protecting Australians. The last federal parliament started to turn around Australia's highly polluting economy. We now have about 40% of the electricity in our main grid coming from renewables backed by storage, a vehicle efficiency scheme to cut transport pollution, and we have begun regulating big polluters.
Despite the fossil fuel lobby bankrolling third party groups to run campaigns against climate solutions, Australians have resoundingly endorsed Labor's energy and climate policies and given them a historic mandate to go further.
One of the first tests for the new government will be setting a 2035 emissions reduction target, a line in the sand that will guide Australia's climate action for the next decade. The government has tasked the Climate Change Authority (CCA), headed up by former NSW Treasurer Matt Kean, to come up with a number that reflects both what is necessary and what is possible.
The world's best scientists have told us that to protect Australians we must drive down climate pollution by at least 75% by 2030 and reach net zero by 2035.
Most Australian state and territory governments have set commitments to cut climate pollution. ClimateWorks has found that together these targets would slash Australia's pollution by an estimated 66 to 71%. While it is well below what is necessary, the federal government can build on this sub-national action to drive pollution down further and faster. A 71% target should be considered a floor upon which a larger federal target should be built.
Climate science can also show us the real world implications of doing too little. Our analysis shows that a 2035 target of 70% (essentially the current commitments of Australia's states and territory governments) would align with global warming of well over 2C this century, if other countries made similar commitments. This would be catastrophic: communities exposed to flood and fire risk will certainly be forced to move, our coral reefs will be all but destroyed, and the costs to our economy and way of life would be severe.
In response to Donald Trump's shrill call to 'drill, baby drill', the rest of the world has an opportunity to step into the vacuum created by the absence of American leadership. Australia is the world's 14th largest polluter and one of the biggest fossil fuel exporters. If we set a strong 2035 target alongside other climate leaders, we will bring others with us to keep driving the clean energy revolution, and strengthen our case as a host of the 2026 Conference of Parties.
But, if significant countries like Australia step backwards it is highly likely that we will leave the climate challenge far too late. We resign ourselves to catastrophic levels of global heating.
Understanding what is possible is a tricky process of balancing assumptions about the future. In doing so, what is possible tends to be underestimated. When I started working on climate change in 2006 there were a few thousand homes in Australia with solar panels. Today there are over 4m. No one expected it to happen so fast. The cost of solar, wind and batteries have fallen more quickly than expected, with our communities and business leaders embracing the change.
Of course, targets are only as good as the action behind them and we need to go faster in all areas.
Australia's 2035 emissions reduction target must be a line of defence against the escalating dangers of climate change. The Australian people are expecting meaningful action on climate change, having just given a massive majority to a Labor government that promised to take the crisis seriously.
The choices around how fast we cut climate pollution will define how safe or scary the world becomes as our children grow up. Doing what is necessary is hard, but failing now could very likely undermine other work of this government on setting out its legacy – and will make life extremely difficult for everyone that comes after us.
Amanda McKenzie is the CEO of the Climate Council
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Telegraph
10 minutes ago
- Telegraph
Political censors have cynically hijacked vital child protections
Britons woke up last week to discover that their firehose of digital smut had been strangled, albeit temporarily for consenting adults. Undeniably, the introduction of age verification regulations does mark a huge change in our relationship with the internet, hitherto a pornographic free-for-all. It may feel like a shock to find a third party inserting itself between you and a website, apparently demanding to know who you are, but it shouldn't be a surprise: it's eight years since the UK Government published its online harms green paper under Theresa May, and The Telegraph launched its Duty of Care campaign the following year. After much wrangling, the result was the 2023 Online Safety Act. In March, the first part of went into effect, placing new obligations on platforms to remove content that is legal, but harmful to children: suicide advice, eating disorders or dangerous stunt challenges. The second phase went into force last week, requiring age checks for pornography sites. 'Companies have effectively been treating all users as if they're adults, leaving children potentially exposed to porn and other types of harmful content,' wrote Melanie Dawes, Ofcom's chief executive, in January. The UK is not an outlier in its desire to keep children safe, either. Texas and three other US states require age verification for adult material, and so will Australia. But critics of the law have warned of consequences for free expression from the start, and over-zealous interpretations quickly became apparent. X, previously Twitter, has already put material behind the age gate, with Benjamin Jones, director of case management at the Free Speech Union – of which I am a member – identifying a number of posts which were worryingly censored for unverified users. Some supported calls for single-sex spaces for women. One by Wuhan lab researcher Billy Bostickson (a pseudonym) fell foul too; it was part of a thread on the use of bamboo RNA in vaccines. Several posts in a thread discussing Richard the Lionheart were gated, which merely contained a reference to the crusades. Most troublingly, a post linking to a live stream of police arrests at a demonstration at a migrant hotel in Leeds was also taken down. All these bans appear to have been the work of an over-zealous algorithm. Some saw this coming. Baroness Claire Fox has written of her dismay at realising how outnumbered speech advocates were when she was in a room as the only free speech advocate, alongside dozens of groups all requesting some clause or addition. 'Only two of us [peers] consistently opposed the bill – myself and Lord Daniel Moylan. I was shocked that so many from the free speech camp of peers were silent,' Fox tells me. 'It became a Christmas tree bill with lots of other things put in it,' said Kemi Badenoch as she campaigned for the Conservative leadership last year. She also predicted 'it will go after people who aren't doing anything wrong'. That hasn't quite happened yet, but long overdue moves to enforce accountability on giant, transnational platforms, and better protect children unfortunately coincided with a renewed desire to control political speech. The good state must take an active role in removing inflammatory speech, the United Nations declared in its 2021 paper Our Common Agenda. It re-emphasised the point last year. William Perrin, one of the architects of Ofcom's approach to regulating online platforms, who was not involved in drafting the legislation, recently posted a paper for the think tank Demos called Epistemic Security 2029: Protecting the UK's information supply chains and strengthening discourse for the next political era. It explicitly calls for the policing of social media platforms. One gets the sense that as long as populists are rising, the impulse to censor will be irresistible to their political opponents. By controlling our discourse, they can control democracy. 'We have an establishment that is innately hostile to Free Speech,' Jones of the Free Speech Union tells me. There is very much wrong with this. Against a backdrop of widespread concern about street crime, shoplifting and rampant fraud, the energy devoted by police to what we say online is confounding, from enthusiasm for the category of 'non-crime hate incidents' to the creation of a special monitoring unit. The implicit idea seems to be that if we stop talking about something the underlying problem will go away. With Britain a tinderbox, and a long summer ahead, this seems a brave moment to test the proposition. It is understandable why age verification and clumsy algorithms sow suspicion of the system itself. In reality, however, online anonymity was always illusory. Your broadband operator has always known who you are and which sites you visit. So has the shady VPN provider. Google collected your pornography browsing history even while you were browsing in 'incognito' mode, for which it was sued, agreeing later to delete billions of records in a settlement. What our alarm reflects is a wholesale loss of trust in the Government. Ofcom points to polling showing the Online Safety Act is widely supported. It is highly regrettable that a bien-pensant blob has cynically hijacked child protection law to ensure it has a media landscape more in keeping with its views. But there's plenty of blame to go around. One lesson of the Online Safety Act is that free-speech advocates also needed a plausible child protection plan. They never came up with one – and were duly steamrollered. The consequences for Britain may be profound.


Telegraph
41 minutes ago
- Telegraph
How Australia's liquid lunch became a ‘sombre affair'
When Phil Chronican, the chairman of Australia's second-largest bank, held a lunch with investors last month, he probably expected be asked the usual questions about National Australia Bank's interest margins or capital ratios. But one query came straight out of left-field. According to accounts from inside the room, at least one fund manager asked Chronican whether the board was planning to tackle the chief executive, Andrew Irvine, about drinking alcohol at client events. After news of the exchange leaked out, an NAB spokesman said the board backed Irvine and 'the leadership team are delivering sound financial and operational results'. The chief himself later said he 'very rarely' went to lunch with the bank's customers, but engaging with them 'helps me understand their business and helps them understand how we are supporting them – and they often give us their business as a result'. Still, the media coverage has kicked off a round of soul-searching in the executive suites and boardrooms of corporate Australia. Executives asked each other how much, if even at all, they should be boozing in or around the office. The controversy underlined how much things have changed in Australia, whose population long enjoyed a reputation as thirsty and enthusiastic consumers of wine and beer. The image of the lager-loving larrikin was embedded into the British consciousness by the likes of Crocodile Dundee star Paul Hogan and his jocular 1980s TV adverts for Foster's. One of the few facts almost every Briton knows about Australian politics is that one of the country's prime ministers, Bob Hawke, set the world record for the fastest guzzle of a yard of ale. As recently as 2021, Australia still ranked fourth for alcohol consumption among a sample of the 38 rich countries of the OECD – quaffing 10.7 litres per person per year, compared with Britain's 10 litres. But attitudes are changing fast. Liquid lunches and messy after-work drinks are now the exception rather than the norm. 'There is no question that the days of the long lunches, the boozy lunches in Australia are gone. If they happen, it's a rarity,' says Richard Basil-Jones, chief executive of the Australia-UK Chamber of Commerce. He has been in Britain about two years, and he's noticed a difference between his home town of Sydney and his adopted city of London, with its multitude of inviting pubs. 'In Sydney I'd probably have done my meetings with a coffee in the morning, or a breakfast. Maybe it would've been a lunch, but it certainly wouldn't have been a long, boozy one,' he says. 'But the one big difference in London is that here people say, 'Oh, how about we catch up after work for a pint?'' It is a trend which has accelerated owing to the growing number of younger Australians choosing to abstain. At the turn of the century, the proportion of Australians aged 18 to 24 who said they never drank was just under 10pc, a figure which has surged to almost 25pc since. 'If you look at the whole culture within Australia, we've just seen such a significant shift. There has been a fundamental change in the way people approach alcohol, and in examining the relationship with alcohol,' says Simon Strahan, chief executive of the charity DrinkWise. Staying sharp A big part of this shift is attributed to the Covid pandemic, when people socialised less and became more focused on their physical and mental health. This has survived the return to the office, and has now rippled out into the bar and restaurant trade. Jeremy Courmadias was until recently the chief executive of Fink Group, owner of some of Sydney's most A-list business lunch spots including Bennelong, which is located in the city's Opera House. Having spent more than two decades in the business, he has seen the shift first-hand. He says companies have tried to take more control of business wining and dining, both to contain the cost and to keep it private. 'If they're [companies] entertaining clients, they've got catering and dining facilities of their own. So we don't necessarily see as much at restaurants as we used to,' says Courmadias. When office groups do hit a restaurant, things seldom get as raucous as they used to. 'At the end of the week, people might still let go a little bit,' he says. 'But at dinners early on in the week, the big corporate events that you'd be doing, they would probably be a little bit more of a sombre affair.' At lunchtimes, tighter budgets and a more abstemious culture mean fewer people are ordering wine by the bottle. 'They don't want to drink because they want to stay sharp,' Courmadias adds. 'They're just not as interested in drinking as much as they can before getting back to the office.' In the run-up to Australia's recent election, Peter Dutton, the conservative opposition leader, proposed a new tax break for business lunching in order to give the hospitality trade a boost. But it gained little traction among voters focused on the cost of living, who frowned at the idea of businesses getting a tax break to wine and dine on the corporate card. Even when diners are opting to drink less during business lunches, they will still often opt for the best glass of wine available. To make that work, restaurants have embraced the Coravin – which uses a needle to extract wine without taking the cork out. 'You can pour a glass of wine from a very expensive bottle without soiling the whole bottle,' says Courmadias. 'And that bottle could last three or four weeks, so you don't need to write the bottle off in the process – and you can actually offer more at that premium end of the market.' Restaurants are also investing more in non-alcoholic drinks – such mocktails, sodas and spritzes – which require bar staff to be just as creative as if they were designing a cocktail. That is mirrored in beer sales, with almost one-third of beer sold in Australia now zero-alcohol or low- to mid-strength. 'To meet the market where it is, Australian brewers have been innovating and diversifying our product offerings for many years,' says Amanda Watson, chief executive of the Australian Brewers Association. DrinkWise's Strahan says it's now standard practice for companies to provide zero- or low-alcohol beers at functions and events, compared to 15 years ago when the only non-alcoholic version would be water. 'Most people who are choosing to have a drink are doing so in moderation, and the workplace is looking at that and saying, 'Well, that's something that we can facilitate',' he says. But he acknowledges that 'there is still a proportion of people who will look at workplace events as a chance to potentially cut loose'. However, a DrinkWise survey suggests only a quarter of Australians now choose to do so in their workplace or at work events. And almost two thirds say they don't feel self-conscious about sticking to zero- or low-alcohol drinks when others in their group are boozing. 'That sort of number really does indicate that there's a distinct cultural shift,' Strahan says.


Sky News
2 hours ago
- Sky News
Energy Asia: Government, industry urge swift energy transition
Energy Asia 2025 concluded with a resounding call for urgent, inclusive and actionable delivery of the energy transition. Held in Kuala Lumpur from 16 to 18 June, the conference drew more than 4,000 delegates from 60 countries and 38 industries to discuss how the region can balance rising energy demand with decarbonisation targets under the theme 'Delivering Asia's Energy Transition'. With over 180 speakers and more than 150 sessions, Energy Asia marked a step change in how the region approaches the energy transition - not as a future ambition, but as an immediate priority requiring delivery at scale. The second edition of Energy Asia was officially launched by the Prime Minister of Malaysia, Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim, and hosted by PETRONAS in partnership with CERAWeek by S&P Global. From the opening keynote to the final sessions, discussions were centred around the knotty conundrum of meeting growing energy demand while advancing the Asian energy ecosystem through decarbonisation, economic development, and social equity. Call for greater collaboration and investments Asia's energy transition is uniquely complex. Nations must expand access for growing populations while cutting emissions, making planning and investment more challenging. Collaboration is key to effectively address the energy transition, not just across conventional energy players, but also industry leaders in cleantech and renewables, power and utilities, finances and logistics, as well as policymakers and authorities. The Malaysian Prime Minister underscored that while most Southeast Asian nations have committed to net-zero targets, clean energy investment remains disproportionately low - just 2% of global spending in 2023, despite the region consuming half the world's energy. Tengku Muhammad Taufik, PETRONAS chief executive officer and Energy Asia Chairman, stressed the need for regionally specific solutions amid growing disruptions. He also called for a balance to be struck between sustainability and energy security, noting over 350 million Asians still lack reliable electricity. "The objective of Energy Asia 2025 is to address the realities of the energy transition within the context of this region," Mr Muhammad Taufik said in an interview after the conference. "The perspectives aired over the past three days have successfully highlighted the existing and emerging challenges faced and underscored the imperative to build a resilient energy system." He added that Asia stood firm in its "pragmatic and collaborative approach in shaping a just and equitable energy future for more than half of the global population." "Beyond the thought leadership that was front and centre at the conference, Energy Asia 2025 also witnessed the formation of numerous new initiatives and partnerships, that are positioned to deliver real outcomes for the region," Mr Muhammad Taufik said. Speakers also emphasised the evolving role of energy demand driven by artificial intelligence and digital infrastructure. The conference featured speakers including OPEC Secretary General Haitham Al Ghais, Saudi Aramco CEO Amin Nasser, and TotalEnergies Chairman Patrick Pouyanné. Delivering Asia's energy transition Energy Asia went beyond conversations. The conference marked the signing of 14 memoranda of understanding and several major partnership announcements between some of the world's largest energy companies. PETRONAS, Malaysia's state oil company, announced a strategic cooperation agreement with French energy giant TotalEnergies to expand upstream operations in Malaysia. The Malaysian company also signed a framework agreement with Italy's Eni to explore regional upstream joint ventures, and reached a liquefied natural gas supply deal with Commonwealth LNG to diversify exports to the United States. Other significant announcements included PETRONAS's agreement with Japan's JERA to collaborate across the gas value chain, supporting Japan's energy security objectives. PETRONAS also announced plans for an Energy Transition Academy to train workers for low-carbon industries. Focus on Carbon Capture Technology Several initiatives launched at the conference target carbon capture and storage technology. PETRONAS announced the formation of Jules Nautica, a joint venture with shipping companies MISC Berhad and Mitsui O.S.K. Lines to operate vessels that transport liquefied carbon dioxide for storage projects. The company also launched what it calls the Blue Carbon Collective, a research partnership with Mercedes-AMG PETRONAS Formula 1 Team and universities in Brazil and Malaysia to study mangrove-based carbon capture methods. EAGLe Forum Produces Sturdy Framework A landmark feature of this year's conference was the inaugural Energy Asia Global Leadership Executive Forum (EAGLe), a closed-door gathering of over 30 global CEOs and C-suite leaders from energy, finance, technology, and professional services. This high-level dialogue produced alignment on four critical areas of action: building resilient energy systems - sharing best practices for energy system resilience; improving project financing; reducing emissions whilst delivering social benefits; and accelerating technology deployment. The forum, held under Chatham House rule, marked the first time such a gathering has taken place in Asia focused specifically on energy transition challenges. Energy Park: Where innovation and collaboration converge The accompanying Energy Park exhibition attracted nearly 14,000 visitors over three days, showcasing emerging technologies from carbon capture systems to renewable energy platforms. Conference organisers said the 52 corporate sponsors and high attendance demonstrated strong industry support for collaborative approaches to energy transition. Asia accounts for more than half of global energy consumption and a similar proportion of carbon emissions. The region's approach to energy transition will significantly influence whether global climate targets can be met, according to energy analysts.