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The hidden cost of Eskom's electricity deals with smelters

The hidden cost of Eskom's electricity deals with smelters

Daily Maverick2 days ago

Eskom, Nersa and the Ministry of Energy & Electricity must explain why energy-intensive smelters deserve these deals – and why other commercial, industrial, manufacturing and mining customers, and ordinary consumers, should foot the bill.
A fierce debate has erupted over the preferential electricity pricing deals – known as Negotiated Pricing Agreements (NPAs) – that Eskom has struck with major industrial users like South32's Hillside aluminium smelter and ferrochrome producers.
Government insists these deals are vital to protect jobs and exports, but critics say they lack transparency, impose costs on other customers and ordinary consumers, and contradict the principles of a fair and competitive electricity market.
Hillside: South Africa's 'congealed electricity'
South32's Hillside Aluminium smelter in Richards Bay is one of the largest of its kind globally, and a cornerstone of South Africa's aluminium industry. With no local bauxite reserves, Hillside relies on imported feedstock and vast amounts of electricity – 10.3 TWh per year, around 5.6% of Eskom's total sales.
Under the 10-year NPA approved by Nersa in 2021, Hillside pays a discounted rate for electricity that currently amounts to around R10-billion per year less than it would pay on Eskom's standard Megaflex tariff for mines and large industry. The effective discount over the life of the agreement is about 50%.
Interruptability vs affordability
Eskom justifies this discount by pointing to Hillside's role in stabilising the grid. The smelter's operations can be interrupted briefly during supply shortfalls, providing a form of demand-side flexibility that Eskom can use instead of reserve generation.
But according to a recent and critical analysis by Meridian Economics, this function could be replicated – more cheaply – using 1.2 GW of two-hour battery energy storage. Using current battery procurement prices from the IPP Office, such a solution would cost less than R3-billion per year, suggesting a net discount of R7-billion annually to Hillside.
The case for socioeconomic value
Supporters of the NPA argue it helps preserve jobs and downstream aluminium beneficiation. Hillside employs about 1,800 workers directly and supplies 27% of its output domestically.
But critics say this argument is based on false binaries – that without the NPA, the smelter would close and jobs would vanish. Instead, the electricity used at Hillside could be reallocated to smaller businesses, potentially yielding broader and more resilient economic benefits.
The real question, then, is not whether Hillside provides value, but whether that value exceeds what other sectors could generate with the same power.
Nersa and the fog of regulation
The National Energy Regulator of South Africa (Nersa) approved the Hillside NPA in 2021, but the process was opaque. The decision lacked detailed economic modelling, failed to evaluate alternatives like battery storage, and made no attempt to compare Hillside's benefit to that of alternative electricity uses. It would further appear that no other party in South Africa has done a proper economic analysis and calculation of the real socioeconomic benefits of the Hillside NPA.
Furthermore, key economic inputs – like the pricing escalation clause and aluminium price 'upside' mechanisms – were based on unclear rationale. Although the NPA was touted as free of embedded derivatives, Meridian Economics argues that a call-option structure remains embedded in the deal.
Cabinet's broader move — more NPAs are coming
In a related development, the Cabinet has just approved a framework to extend NPAs to South Africa's ferrochrome and alloys smelters – long-time industrial electricity users struggling with soaring electricity tariffs.
According to Energy and Electricity Minister Kgosientsho Ramokgopa, the aim is to protect energy-intensive exporters and maintain South Africa's industrial base.
But this raises more questions than answers: Are these deals being driven by sound economic analysis and proper power planning, or by ad hoc industrial policy dressed up as regulation?
A system at odds with reform
Eskom is in financial distress. Other customers – particularly households and SMEs – are paying ever-higher prices for less reliable power. Load shedding, grid instability and rising tariffs have become hallmarks of the crisis.
And yet, one of Eskom's biggest customers pays half-price for electricity – a situation kept under wraps until civil society group Open Secrets forced publication of the full Hillside NPA. That it took four years for civil society to scrutinise the deal signals how deeply broken the oversight processes are.
Towards a transparent future
The principle of cross-subsidisation can be legitimate, but only when clearly justified. Preferential electricity pricing must be scrutinised like any public subsidy: through open modelling, public hearings and clear metrics of cost-benefit. Right now, that is not happening.
Eskom, Nersa and the Ministry of Energy & Electricity must explain why energy-intensive smelters deserve these deals – and why other commercial, industrial, manufacturing and mining customers, and ordinary consumers, should foot the bill.
Without that, NPAs risk entrenching elite privilege at the expense of national equity, economic dynamism and the future of South Africa's energy system. DM

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Ties that bind: Inside Mashatile's inner circle behind SA's new lottery operator
Ties that bind: Inside Mashatile's inner circle behind SA's new lottery operator

Daily Maverick

time14 hours ago

  • Daily Maverick

Ties that bind: Inside Mashatile's inner circle behind SA's new lottery operator

A cache of pictures and video shows the cozy ties between Deputy President Paul Mashatile and the inner circle behind the new lottery operator, Sizekhaya Holdings. It also introduces a key new figure linking them: Sbu Shabalala, the disgraced former Adapt IT chief executive. Photographs and footage reveal the close personal relationships behind the company that clinched the multibillion-rand lotto licence and their links to Deputy President Paul Mashatile. They provide insight into the powerful people who orbit the Deputy President, with a new name surfacing: former Adapt IT CEO Sbu Shabalala. Following amaBhungane's reporting, members of Parliament put the heat on Minister of Trade and Industry, Parks Tau, asking him to account for possible conflicts of interest in the licence bidding process and award. AmaBhungane understands that Sbu Shabalala is engaged to Khumo Bogatsu, Mashatile's sister-in-law, and is also the cousin of Moses Tembe, the Durban businessman who leads Sizekhaya. Earlier this week amaBhungane revealed that Bogatsu is the twin sister of second lady Humile Mashatile and co-owns Bellamont Gaming with Tembe. Bellamont Gaming is a shareholder in Sizekhaya Holdings, which has received the nod from Trade, Industry and Competition Minister Parks Tau to take over the national lottery licence, valid for eight years and generating about R7-billion annually. Shabalala is believed to be a key person helping knit together the politically connected group, which includes Sandile Zungu, a prominent member of Sizekhaya who reportedly co-leads the consortium with Tembe. Shabalala's presence is also controversial because of his spectacular fall from grace and departure from Adapt IT in 2021 following a violent incident at his estranged wife's home. He did not respond to questions. Power video The group's proximity to power is most strikingly demonstrated in a video circulated online around March 2025 – three months before the National Lotteries Commission (NLC) announced Sizekhaya as the winning bidder. The video captures the group, minus Zungu, at what appears to be a holiday gathering at an upscale resort. The scene is relaxed and familiar: Tembe in a crisp white shirt, his wife in jeans and a white shirt, Shabalala in a black shirt and shorts, Bogatsu in a sun hat and white blouse, Mrs Mashatile sipping a bottle of water and the Deputy President dancing. Deputy President Paul Mashatile taking a break from his demanding duties to spend quality time with family and friends. — MDN NEWS (@MDNnewss) March 15, 2025 Other photos, which we'll detail, place members of the group – including Zungu, Mashatile and their spouses – in each other's company at various personal and private events. The visuals are significant, not because powerful people have friends, but because these friendships sit at the nexus of a major public tender worth billions, raising questions about proximity, access and influence. In this regard, State Capture amply demonstrated the potential sway of informal networks over formal decision-making. The visuals add to concerns about the potential for political interference in the award of the hotly contested lottery licence, despite both Tau and Mashatile emphasising this week that the Deputy President played no role whatsoever in the lottery decision. In a response to amaBhungane, Sizekhaya said that 'the questions put forward to Advocate Bogatsu, Mr Tembe and Mr Zungu are irrelevant to the award and operation of the fourth national lottery licence and, as such, Sizekhaya is unable to respond to them. 'Sizekhaya reiterates that the allegations relating to 'interested, politically connected parties' are baseless, and that our directors and shareholders are fit and proper, as per the Lotteries Act.' Tembe told amaBhungane he did not believe any answer they gave would ever satisfy the 'insatiable appetite to incriminate' Mashatile: 'We're private individuals who've got private lives like you… You're welcome to continue down that trajectory without our cooperation.' He maintained that they had submitted all necessary declarations to the NLC and that the consortium won the bid on merit. Fallout As a result of amaBhungane's reporting, members of Parliament grilled Tau about Mashatile's possible conflicts of interest during a committee meeting on Tuesday. Tau indicated he had been unaware that the Deputy President's sister-in-law had an interest in Sizekhaya and said the matter would be investigated. Mashatile also later claimed he was unaware of Bogatsu's participation in the lottery bid. Several questions put to Mashatile's office went unanswered. Then, in a shocking turn of events, President Cyril Ramaphosa announced on Wednesday that he had taken a decision to remove Deputy Minister of Trade Industry and Competition Andrew Whitfield, who is also a member of the Democratic Alliance (DA). Whitfield's firing was allegedly owing to his official overseas visit in February, which took place without Ramaphosa's permission. A furious DA gave Ramaphosa 48 hours to remove other poor performing and corruption-implicated ministers, threatening 'consequences' if he did not. In a speech on Thursday, DA leader John Steenhuisen told Parliament that 'perhaps there is something even deeper at play here… Andrew Whitfield… had opposed an attempt to make suspect appointments, he was standing in the way of the looting that will follow from the Transformation Fund – and all of this in a department mired in corruption allegations involving the tender for the National Lottery.' In a statement on Friday, Ramaphosa said Whitfield's firing was unrelated to anything else. 'There is really no basis for suggestions that the dismissal of the former deputy minister is related to any other reason than his failure to receive permission to travel and adhere to the rules and established practices expected of members of the Executive of the Republic of South Africa,' he said. Shabalala's rise and fall For Shabalala – whose engagement to Bogatsu appears to have given him direct access to Mashatile – to be included in the Deputy President's circle provides him a comeback after his dramatic fall from grace. In May 2021, the Sunday Times reported that Shabalala's estranged wife, Neo Shabalala, sought a high court interdict against Shabalala, claiming he had hired armed men to assault her then partner, Sipho Nzuza, at her Zimbali home. Nzuza was eThekwini municipal manager, but was at the time out on bail of R50,000 after being arrested in connection with the now-notorious Durban Solid Waste case, in which he is still on trial alongside former Mayor Zandile Gumede. The Sunday Times report said Nzuza had been left in a critical condition after the attack and had his spleen and part of a kidney removed. Neo claimed in her affidavit that the assault – at which Sbu Shabalala was allegedly present – was meant to intimidate her into signing a divorce settlement that she believed was for less than what she was entitled to. She claimed Shabalala was invading her privacy by planting listening devices in her home and monitoring her cellphone. 'I do not feel safe in the slightest with the First Respondent [Shabalala] being near me or entering the immovable property,' she said. Although Shabalala maintained his innocence, saying the allegations were without merit, he consented to the interdict and the fallout resulted in his fall from grace. After taking a three month leave of absence to 'attend to personal matters' he ended up resigning from Adapt IT – the feisty tech company that he had founded and taken to a listing on the Johannesburg Securities Exchange. 'We are coming home' – and bringing friends In growing closer to Mashatile through Bogatsu, Shabalala is said to have also brought his cousin, Tembe, into enhanced proximity. Tembe co-directs and co-owns Bellamont Gaming with Bogatsu, the twin sister of Mashatile's wife, Humile. The company is a minority shareholder in Sizekhaya, and it is central to questions of a conflict of interest for the Deputy President. The company's name, Sizekhaya – which translates to 'we are coming home' – seems apt for a group bound not only by business but also by longstanding personal relationships. Aside from the revealing video, the group also appeared together in a photo previously published by amaBhungane, taken at St Paul's Anglican Church in February 2024, where they gathered to honour victims of a bus crash following the ANC's manifesto launch at Moses Mabhida Stadium. While the published photo focused on Tembe, Mashatile and his wife in the front row, a closer look reveals Shabalala standing behind them to the right and a partially obscured woman who may be Bogatsu to his left, just behind the red jacket. That year, Mashatile had frequented Tembe's home in uMdloti, KwaZulu-Natal, according to people in the area, and around the time the photo was taken it is said that Mashatile's presidential protection unit stayed over at Tembe's house for around six days. Coincidentally or not, Bellamont Gaming was registered just months before that visit, in December 2023 – four months after the NLC published the request for proposal (FRP) for the licence and just two months before bids were due. In that month, Zungu was seemingly celebrating a special moment with Tembe, and a photo shared to his WhatsApp story shows the pair holding a baby girl, allegedly Zungu's. Miami and milestones 2023 was also the year that Shabalala and Bogatsu allegedly celebrated their own milestone – their alleged engagement in August in Miami. Tembe and Reggie Kukama – a well-known friend and associate of Mashatile's – as well as Kukama's son were allegedly there to witness the special occasion. Kukama and Mashatile are members of the so-called 'Alex mafia', a group of successful businessmen and politicians who hail from Alexandra, Johannesburg. More pictures from the same year show Shabalala and Bogatsu arm-in-arm with Zungu and his wife, Nozipho. Another image shows the alleged couple with a close friend at a lunch hosted for the group. Another shows Bogatsu and Shabalala alongside the ANC's Tony Yengeni in an intimate lunch setting. On 2 February 2024, the day before the lottery bids were due, Shabalala, Bogatsu, Tembe and his wife, Princess Nandoyesizwe Tembe (formerly Zulu), were photographed at the opening of the Anele Tembe Library at Durban Girls' College. It was a special occasion for Tembe as a grieving father. His daughter Anele died in 2001 after falling from a balcony in the presence of her then fiancé, rapper Kiernan AKA Forbes. Forbes died two years later after being shot in Durban. 'Not enough to buy an aeroplane' In response to amaBhungane's questions, Tembe dismissed questions about his relationships as an 'invasion of privacy and humiliating'. He said that in his various positions, he has met 'almost all leaders across the political spectrum in their home and my home'. 'It's my duty to share notes on all issues that impact business and to influence them to inculcate and live Godly values. None of them (across the political spectrum) would ever say I discussed personal interests.' Mashatile, he said, had no financial interest in Sizekhaya's bid. He added that the bid was never discussed with Mashatile and confirmed his shareholding in Sizekhaya, but claimed that it was 'insignificant' and 'much less than 10%'. He added: 'The NLC takes the biggest chunk of the top line and winnings even higher. No shareholder would make money to buy an aeroplane.' Political alignment Tau and Mashatile have also risen through the political ranks together. From December 2000, Tau served as a member of the mayoral committee (MMC) in Johannesburg for various portfolios until 2009, when he was elected to the Gauteng ANC provincial executive committee. Around this time, from 1994 until 2009, Mashatile served as MEC in various portfolios, also in Gauteng. From 2007 to 2017, Mashatile served as provincial chairperson of the ANC in Gauteng and from 2011 to 2016 – the same period – Tau served as mayor of Johannesburg. Parliamentary grilling Tau maintained in a parliamentary portfolio committee meeting this week that the process of awarding the licence to Sizekhaya Holdings was fair, but said he would go back and investigate allegations of a conflict of interest between the Deputy President and his sister-in-law. 'Fit and proper is a continuous process. There are allegations that have been raised in the media,' Tau said. 'We have looked at those allegations and we will look at them because they are specific allegations; you cannot ignore them. It would be irresponsible of us to ignore what has been raised in the public domain by investigative journalists in the media and so on.' Tau added that they would get appropriate advice on whether the Deputy President's relationship constitutes a conflict of interest, political affiliation and any other considerations. DM

How SA's youth make and (should) spend their money
How SA's youth make and (should) spend their money

The Citizen

time15 hours ago

  • The Citizen

How SA's youth make and (should) spend their money

While some consider Gen Z a lazy bunch who want everything for nothing, the truth is quite different according to a survey. South Africa's youth are grappling with deepening financial challenges, including crushing unemployment, limited asset ownership and mounting debt levels, making older people wonder how they make and spend their money. Eighty20, a consumer analytics and research company, analysed people younger than 24, who make up 44.5% of the population. With nearly 30 million people under the age of 24, South Africa's economic future hinges on whether this generation can break the cycle of financial exclusion that currently defines their prospects. The research reveals that of the 6.7 million young people between the ages of 18 and 24, only a million are credit-active. However, among these credit users, nearly half have already defaulted on their loans. With an average monthly income of R3 400 (less than half the national average of R7 000) and a youth unemployment rate of 62.4% according to Statistics SA, financial strain is widespread in this age group, Andrew Fulton, director at Eighty20, says. ALSO READ: SA youth not unemployed, rather under-employed SA's youth mainly use retail credit Among the million credit-active youth, retail credit dominates, with 85% of the respondents holding store accounts. Personal unsecured loans follow at 17%, while 9% have credit cards. In addition, young people represent approximately 4% of South Africa's total outstanding debt, carrying R10 billion in combined obligations. However, Fulton points out that their credit performance is worse than the national average, with R1.1 billion, or 11% of their total debt, currently overdue. This elevated delinquency rate signals particular financial stress within this age segment, Fulton says. MRF's Marketing All Product Survey (MAPS) of 20 000 South Africans shows that the youth are more concerned about privacy when it comes to credit. They prefer that others do not know they are taking a personal loan and would rather take the loan from a financial institution rather than from friends or family. South Africa faces a stark financial inclusion divide among young adults, Fulton says. 'While people under 24 represent approximately 20% of new credit market entrants over the past three months, a few hundred thousand individuals, this figure masks a deeper problem that many young South Africans never enter the formal credit market at all. ALSO READ: The dark picture of youth unemployment in South Africa Exclusion among youth creates two distinct groups Fulton says this exclusion creates two distinct groups: people who successfully access credit can join the formal financial system and participate in the economy, while many others remain locked out, classified as 'thin file' clients due to their lack of credit history. 'Without access to formal credit, these young South Africans are excluded from significant economic opportunities.' A credit score serves as the gateway not only to lending products and favourable terms, but to essential services across multiple sectors. A healthy credit profile enables access to cellphone contracts, rental agreements and can even influence employment opportunities, Fulton says. 'Expanding credit access among young adults represents both individual economic empowerment and broader formal economy development.' 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Harambee, an NGO focused on youth employment solutions, reports in its quarterly Breaking Barriers analysis that of the one million young people entering South Africa's labour market annually, only 40% find work in the short to medium term, while 30% find intermittent employment but remain mostly unemployed or outside education and training, 20% want to work but never find opportunities and 10% stop seeking work altogether. In addition, for those who are employed, side hustles have become essential to make ends meet. BrandMapp, a survey of South Africans in households earning over R10 000 monthly, shows a notable shift: in 2021, 55% reported having no side activities that create extra income, but this dropped to 49% in their most recent survey. The survey asks for details on these activities and the percentage of people who say they are running small businesses as a side hustle, or taking second jobs in their primary field has grown by 50%. This trend mirrors international patterns, with about 50% of millennials and 46% of Gen Z reporting side hustles. ALSO READ: Minister agrees unemployment statistics should include work in informal sector Kind of side hustles the youth choose The nature of these side hustles varies by demographic. BrandMapp data shows that 'home industry' activities are more common among black married couples, while temporary and shift work in restaurants and bars is more prevalent among white South Africans. Fulton says the intersection of limited formal employment, growing debt burdens and the rise of alternative income sources creates challenges as well as opportunities for South Africa's young people. 'In the face of considerable financial headwinds, many young people are turning to side hustles as a means of creating opportunity in a tough economy, but with the right support structures and a focus on keeping their credit history clean, this generation has the potential to drive long-term, inclusive growth.'

Eight MPs fined R10,000 for failing to disclose financial interests
Eight MPs fined R10,000 for failing to disclose financial interests

The Citizen

timea day ago

  • The Citizen

Eight MPs fined R10,000 for failing to disclose financial interests

Didiza clarified that while the members had missed the deadline, they remained obligated to submit their declarations. Eight members of parliament have been reprimanded and fined R10 000 each after failing to meet the deadline for disclosing their financial interests in 2024, with parliament's speaker warning that their actions had the potential to undermine public trust. The National Assembly adopted the joint committee on ethics and members' interests report during its plenary sitting, finding the legislators in breach of the Code of Ethical Conduct and Disclosure of Members' Interests for missing the 14 October 2024 deadline. Members found in breach The eight members sanctioned include Mluleki Dlelanga (ANC), Mkhuleko Hlengwa (IFP), Nhlamulo Ndhlela (MK), Mzoleli Mrara (ANC), Masetsego Mofokeng (ANC), Maropene Ramokgopa (ANC), Sihle Zikalala (ANC) and Andries Nel (ANC). Speaking during the reprimand, parliament sleaker Thoko Didiza emphasised the seriousness of the breach. 'Honourable members, I just want to say this is unacceptable. It's also objectionable and deserving of serious consequences as it has already been determined by the committee in terms of the fine that you have been given,' Didiza said. ALSO READ: Ramaphosa announces 'Eminent Persons Group' to guide national dialogue – These are the people appointed Disclosure requirements and deadlines During 2024, which was an election year, members were required to disclose their registrable interests within 60 working days after the opening of parliament. The disclosure system operates on an annual cycle, with the main period running from 1 April to 30 June each year during the first quarter of the financial year. Didiza clarified that while the members had missed the deadline, they remained obligated to submit their declarations. 'I just want to advise members that if a member has missed the date you are still equally obliged to tender your interest. So it doesn't mean that these members have not declared for 2024, but they were late in terms of the deadline,' she said. ALSO READ: Floyd Shivambu not on list of MK party members going to parliament Importance of financial disclosure The Code of Ethical Conduct serves as a crucial mechanism for maintaining public trust and ensuring parliamentary accountability. Mandatory disclosure of members' financial and other interests forms a cornerstone of ethical governance, helping to prevent conflicts of interest and safeguarding parliament's integrity against undue influence or personal enrichment. The disclosure requirements are comprehensive, covering employment details, assets, gifts, interests held by immediate family members and travel arrangements. Even members with no interests to declare must submit a 'nil' return and all submissions must be made electronically. Didiza stressed the fundamental importance of these obligations during her address. 'Would all appreciate that the Court of Ethical Conduct and Disclosure of Members' Interest provides a set of values for members. Among other requirements, the Court obligates members to annually declare their financial interest in a public register. 'This allows the public to confirm that no member may have been exposed to any conflict of interest,' she said. ALSO READ: 'We are not xenophobic': No justification to favour foreign academics over South Africans, says ANC MP Committee process and penalties The joint committee on ethics and members' interests found that the affected members had been given adequate opportunity to present their records and explain their failures but had not done so satisfactorily. The committee determined that their actions warranted both public reprimand and financial penalties. 'It is apparent from the committee report that you were provided fair opportunity to present your records and not having done so, to adequately explain your failings. Your actions had the potential to erode public interest in parliament,' Didiza told the members during the formal reprimand. Administrative framework The Registrar of Members' Interests plays a central role in administering the disclosure process, maintaining the register, overseeing timely submissions, and handling complaints and preliminary investigations into code breaches. The 2024 Public Register has been published on Parliament's website. When members fail to disclose their interests or submit false information, matters are referred to the joint committee on ethics and members' interests. Depending on the severity of breaches, penalties can range from reprimands and fines to suspension or other corrective actions. ALSO READ: 'A lying minister in Cabinet': Why has Ramaphosa not fired Nkabane? Implementation of penalties The speaker confirmed that the financial penalties would be implemented immediately. 'I also notice as indicated above that financial penalties have been imposed. These penalties will be implemented without delay. I trust therefore that this reprimand sends a message to all of us as members to live up to our obligations and ensure that we comply with the code,' Didiza said. The disclosure system continues to operate with quarterly updates required whenever there are changes to members' registrable or financial interests throughout the year. READ NEXT: DA threatens to exit GNU over Whitfield's firing

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