Engine 5, Steuben County workhorse on 'Champagne Route', acquired by Rochester area museum
"Engine 5," which currently sits on the Bath & Hammondsport Railroad in Cohocton, has been acquired from the Steuben County Industrial Development Agency and the Livonia, Avon & Lakeville Railroad.
The Rochester & Genesee Valley Railroad Museum will preserve Engine 5 and have it on display for visitors at its facility in Rush, about 20 minutes south of downtown Rochester. Jamie Johnson, executive director of the Steuben County IDA, said the train is an "important piece of local railroad history."
"Engine 5 helped transport goods throughout the region, playing a vital role in supporting our economy and the efforts of the railroad museum will help educate the public on the role the railroad has and will continue to play in our business development activities," said Johnson.
Engine 5, a 660-horsepower diesel switcher, was constructed in March 1950 by the American Locomotive Company in Schenectady. It was reassigned to a freight car manufacturing and repair facility in East Rochester in January 1965, according to the museum.
When the shops closed five years later, the train was sold to Steuben County for operation on the Bath & Hammondsport Railroad. The B&H can be traced back to 1872 when it connected Hammondsport at the south end of Keuka Lake with the Erie Railroad and the Delaware, Lackawanna & Western Railroad at Bath.
The B&H became known as "The Champagne Route" as the wine industry grew in the Finger Lakes, with many wineries serving as customers of the railroad. The B&H expanded in 1976 when it became the operator of IDA-owned track between Bath and Wayland. Twenty years later, the county named Livonia, Avon & Lakeville the new operator of the combined B&H lines, which included a 2001 expansion from Bath to a connection with Norfolk Southern at Painted Post.
Engine 5 was sidelined and designated as surplus by LA&L in recent years as freight traffic increased on the B&H and more powerful diesel locomotives were required on the railroad.
The museum acquired Engine 5 in February after the idea was presented by the Flour-by-Rail Legacy Project.
"We are excited to preserve this historic diesel locomotive and return it to Rochester," said R&GV Museum vice president Jackson Glozer. "Besides helping preserve the history of Bath & Hammondsport Railroad, this diesel also worked locally at Despatch Shops in East Rochester, replacing a steam locomotive of the same number which we also just added to our collection a few years ago."
More: Corning Inc. named one of America's Best Large Employers in 2025. See where it ranked.
The museum has launched a GoFundMe campaign to help offset the cost of transportation from Steuben County to Rush.
The campaign had raised roughly a quarter of its $9,500 goal as of Thursday afternoon.
This article originally appeared on The Leader: Railroad Museum buys Bath & Hammondsport train from Steuben County IDA
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Chicago Tribune
9 hours ago
- Chicago Tribune
Mayor Brandon Johnson, facing a yawning budget deficit, could be in for a fight with corporate tax proposals
By opening the door to a pair of polarizing corporate taxes, Mayor Brandon Johnson could galvanize a progressive base itching to see him deliver on a campaign promise to 'make the ultra-rich pay their fair share,' but also infuriate business opponents already set on defeating him in 2027. Facing a more than $1 billion deficit and having disavowed a property tax hike, Johnson last week said he would consider the return of a per-employee 'head tax' on businesses or a much bolder payroll expense tax. Either would be a major shot across the bow of the city's corporate class. He told reporters Tuesday his administration would take a serious look at how 'individuals with means, particularly our billionaires and the ultra-rich who have benefited from a growing economy, can put more skin in the game' by contributing to the city's violence reduction and affordable housing efforts. Johnson and his allies described both business taxes as just two of the numerous options the mayor is considering that might eventually be included in his budget proposal this fall. A mayoral working group of business and labor officials, aldermen and administration leaders has been meeting regularly behind closed doors to come up with fresh revenues and efficiencies after Johnson said he won't push a property tax hike for 2026, which had dim prospects of passing the City Council anyway. The mayor's office late last week shared its estimates for what nearly three dozen new or expanded taxes, fees or revenue schemes might raise. The payroll expense idea emerged from a new think tank with ties to Johnson called the Institute for Public Good. Johnson cited figures about Chicago's concentration of millionaires and billionaires from the group's late July report, though the source of those figures has been criticized as unreliable. Launched earlier this year, the nonprofit is led by Julie Dworkin — former head of the Chicago Coalition for the Homeless and a leader of the 'Bring Chicago Home' campaign that was a key Johnson initiative — and Ishan Daya, a community organizer who Johnson initially tapped for his budget working group. Daya stepped down from the group after facing backlash over a past video of him tearing down a poster of an Israeli hostage kidnapped by Hamas. He was replaced by Dworkin. In their report, they proposed a new 'corporate excise tax' that would charge businesses with more than $8 million in annual payroll in Chicago. The rate would be 5% of the cost of payroll for employees who earn more than $200,000. The group estimates, based on census data, that the tax could boost the city's annual revenues by $1.5 billion. An Illinois Department of Revenue spokesperson said the agency does not collect information with enough granularity to estimate precisely how many businesses in Chicago have payrolls over $8 million or employees with individual incomes exceeding $200,000. But based on the most recent and complete income data the state does keep, which includes wages but also pension distributions, investment returns and other benefits, just over 93,000 individuals in Chicago in 2022 reported income above $200,000. 'It seemed like the only options floated were having to massively raise property taxes or cut tons of jobs and city services. So we wanted to come up with a third way,' Dworkin said. The tax would be well timed, Dworkin argued, after the 2017 federal Tax Cuts and Jobs Act reduced the corporate tax rate to a flat 21% rate from a top rate of 35%, and delivered the steepest savings to high earners. Soon after Johnson publicly entertained the excise tax idea, the business community pushed back, suggesting that implementing such a tax would not only deter new business and spur relocations out of the city, but would also be unconstitutional. 'If I'm a business and I'm more mobile or making a decision on whether to come to Chicago, I'm considering what's going on on the local level,' said Jack Lavin, the president of the Chicagoland Chamber of Commerce. With outside business-backed groups such as Common Ground Collective and One Future Illinois already gearing up to oppose progressive proposals, Lavin said the defeat of Bring Chicago Home and Gov. JB Pritzker's graduated income tax shows that the broader business community 'is better positioned' to win the messaging battle with the public. 'I also think taxpayers in general are tired of the constant increase in taxes and (thinking), 'What are we getting out of it?'' Lavin said. But Ald. Anthony Quezada, 35th, a mayoral ally, countered that progressive proposals are popular and that 'folks are tired' of 'nickeling and diming small businesses or homeowners or consumers.' Aldermen largely refused to go along with Johnson's proposed increases to city fines and fees for this year's budget, nixing a garbage collection cost hike and a bump to the alcohol tax, and forcing the mayor to completely abandon a property tax hike. They did agree to add parking and plastic bag charges, and went along with the mayor's additional speed cameras to help close the deficit. This year, most aldermen concede they must pair any new revenue with some cuts or efficiencies. It's not only a political necessity to win over the public, but a fiscal reality that neither cuts nor revenues alone could fill the gap. According to a memo distributed to aldermen Thursday and provided to the Tribune, city officials estimated a garbage fee increase could net anywhere from $19.6 million to just under $300 million, depending on the rate. The city's current garbage collection program, which charges $9.50 a month per dwelling unit, runs a $160 million deficit. But for some aldermen, increasing that charge could cause more of a political uprising than raising the property tax levy. An additional liquor tax could bring in between $30 million and $90 million, according to the memo, while charging the sales tax rate on services like haircuts or accounting would net between $78 million and $305 million, but would require a state law change. Charging tax on online sports bets could bring in between $8.5 million and $17 million, the memo notes. The administration did not endorse any specific proposal. Ernst & Young is also looking for ways the city can recover the costs of hosting special events and changes to city fines and fees 'to promote fairness and revenue generation.' Johnson touted a midyear budget report released Wednesday as 'a clear turning point' for city finances, pointing to stabilizing revenues and a drop in operating costs. A day later, his administration enacted a hiring freeze 'to manage costs responsibly and support core service delivery,' according to a memo shared with the Tribune. The new hiring freeze follows a similar cost-cutting measure used by the city last year. It allows for hiring in many revenue-generating and safety-related roles, but suspends non-essential travel and overtime for non-public safety jobs. While Quezada said he wanted time to vet the institute's corporate tax proposal, he appreciated efforts to find money to continue investing in violence prevention, mental health and affordable housing, rather than searching for cuts. 'We really need to shift the narrative away from austerity and decay to growth and investment. Progressive revenue streams like this, bold ideas like this, start a really productive conversation,' Quezada told the Tribune. The institute's pitch is modeled after Seattle's JumpStart 2020 payroll expense tax but the group roughly doubled the highest rate there to come up with its tax dollar estimates for Chicago. Today, Seattle charges businesses with payroll expenses over $8.8 million and at least one employee earning more than $189,000. The tax is applied to the total annual compensation paid in Seattle. Rates range between 0.7% and 2.557%, depending on total payroll. JumpStart brought in $293 million in its first year and $360 million in 2024. The tax is expected to bring in $430 million this year and $451.5 million next. Grocers and independent contractors are exempt. But the tax there can be subject to significant swings: Seattle's budget office said about 70% of revenues from the tax are paid by just 10 companies. Most are in the tech sector, making returns especially volatile during layoffs or stock market fluctuations, 'since stock grants represent a notable share of total compensation for technology workers.' Dworkin said McDonald's, Mondelez, United Airlines, as well as major local banks, law and real estate development firms would likely be the ones to pay here. JumpStart passed following a yearslong push to tax Amazon. It garnered significant pushback from the city's Chamber of Commerce — including a lawsuit — and other downtown business groups that argued the charge was an income tax 'masquerading as an excise tax.' Like Chicago, Seattle is constitutionally barred from charging its own income tax. JumpStart backers successfully argued the program isn't an income tax because businesses were barred from passing the tax onto employees, and the chamber dropped its appeal in the summer of 2022. Collections continued throughout the court fight. Lavin and others predicted a similar Chicago tax, if passed, would end up in court. 'It's an income tax, so I don't think it's constitutional; it certainly will be litigated,' Lavin said. The mayor's office told the Tribune it is conducting a legal analysis of the institute's proposal and different potential iterations. A far more modest proposal — which is nevertheless also receiving business pushback — is returning the corporate head tax. Nixed by the Chicago City Council under former Mayor Rahm Emanuel in 2011, Johnson said Tuesday the idea was back on the table. Back before it was scuttled, companies with 50 or more employees who earned at least $4,300 every three months were required to pay a $4-a-month tax for each of those workers. The juice from the head tax may not be worth the squeeze for Johnson: The city estimates charging $5 per employee today would net just over $25 million, which wouldn't put a significant dent in a $1 billion deficit. Johnson said the administration has also 'been looking at' a PILOT, or payment in lieu of taxes, program, as well as a digital ad tax. PILOT programs seek to get nonprofit entities like hospitals, universities, religious and cultural organizations that don't pay property taxes to voluntarily contribute to city coffers. One of the country's most successful PILOT endeavors is in Boston, which by 2023 raised $35.7 million in cash contributions. But Boston's success took years to build up and relied on individual negotiations with entities. Replicating that in Chicago would not only take time, but it is complicated by federal funding cuts hitting hospitals and universities. Despite the initial opposition from the city's business community, longtime Chicago media and political consultant Delmarie Cobb said the mayor could have success with the suite of progressive taxes. 'I think, if the mayor presents it correctly, that progressives will get behind it because this is the kind of creative thinking that we have been asking for,' she said. Emanuel 'didn't get rid of (the head tax) because he cared about poor people, he did it so his rich friends would feel good about him,' Cobb said. Progressives 'need to have that same kind of aggressive thinking and action when it comes to generating money and making sure that the people who suffer the most as a result of it aren't the people that can afford it the least.'
Yahoo
a day ago
- Yahoo
Troubleshooters sent into wildlife charity linked to Carrie Johnson
Troubleshooters have been sent in to investigate a charity linked to Boris Johnson's wife following claims that its funds were used improperly by the multimillionaire socialite who runs it. The Charity Commission has appointed a team of high-powered legal experts to act as interim managers and take over key decision-making at the Aspinall Foundation, run by former casino owner Damian Aspinall. According to the watchdog's code of conduct, interim managers are imposed on a charity when it believes there has been 'mismanagement and/or misconduct'. It defines misconduct as any 'criminal, unlawful or improper' act. The Aspinall Foundation is a global conservation group that releases zoo animals back into the wild, working with its sister charity the Howletts Wild Animal Trust, which runs two wildlife parks in Kent. Both charities have been under the Charity Commission's spotlight for five years, with a statutory inquiry launched in 2021. Its latest decision to send troubleshooters into the Aspinall Foundation over 'fresh issues of concern' marks a major tightening of the screw. Carrie Johnson was recruited by the Aspinall Foundation in January 2021 in a senior communications role on an estimated 'high five-figure salary' when her partner Mr Johnson, whom she married in May that year, was prime minister. Mr Johnson has been one of the charity's highest-profile cheerleaders. There is no suggestion of any wrongdoing by either of the Johnsons. The allegations against the Aspinall Foundation include allowing its chair, Mr Aspinall, to rent its headquarters, Howletts House – a neo-Palladian, 30-bedroom mansion in Kent, set in a 90-acre estate – for £2,500 a month, equivalent to the typical cost of renting a large house in nearby Canterbury. The rent was increased to £10,000 a month after a revaluation. Other allegations include paying £150,000 to Mr Aspinall's wife, Victoria, for 'interior design', as well as making loans to Mr Aspinall. In 2019, he reportedly owed the foundation £113,000. Allegations made against the Howletts Wild Animal Trust include paying Mr Aspinall's step mother Lady Sarah Aspinall a £30,000-a-year pension for 'gardening services'. In a statement to The Independent, the Charity Commission said: 'Our inquiry into the Aspinall Foundation is ongoing. Towards the end of last year, fresh issues of concern were identified requiring us to embark on a further phase of investigation, and our investigators are working hard to pursue these at pace. 'The commission has now appointed interim managers to the Aspinall Foundation, who will work alongside the existing trustees on specific areas in line with the charity's governing document.' The Charity Commission only imposes interim managers on a charity 'if it is satisfied that there has been misconduct and/or mismanagement' and it is considered 'necessary to protect the charity's property'. Misconduct 'includes any act that the person committing it knew – or ought to have known – was criminal, unlawful or improper'. Mismanagement is defined as 'any act that may result in charitable resources being misused – or the people who benefit from the charity being put at risk'. The Charity Commission troubleshooters have been tasked with making any decisions that cannot be made by the trustees because of 'a conflict of interest', and with 'reviewing the make-up of the board of trustees'. Crucially, they have also been ordered to find out whether any of the trustees – or their family members – 'received a direct or indirect benefit from the charity'. Mr Aspinall's daughter Tansy is a trustee of both the Aspinall Foundation and Howletts Wild Animal Trust. Multimillionaire and Conservative peer Zac Goldsmith, a former minister and a close friend of Mr Aspinall and both the Johnsons, was an Aspinall trustee until August 2019. Lord Goldsmith's brother Ben, a Tory donor who was given an advisory post in Mr Johnson's government, was also an Aspinall Foundation trustee. Both left before the Charity Commission launched any inquiries. A spokesperson for the Aspinall Foundation said: 'We welcome the inquiry by the Charity Commission and will continue to work with them transparently, but until that has concluded we are unable to comment further to press.' A spokesperson for the Howletts Wild Animal Trust said: 'With the Charity Commission's inquiry ongoing, we are unable to comment further.' Carrie Johnson could not be contacted. The Aspinall Foundation declined to say whether she is still an employee.
Yahoo
a day ago
- Yahoo
UK top court to rule on multi-billion pound car loan scandal
Britain's highest court will Friday determine whether controversial car loans were unlawful, which could pave the way for millions of motorists to claim billions of pounds in compensation from banks. The loans, made available for 14 years from 2007, incentivised car dealers to offer higher interest rates in return for a bigger commission from banks. The Supreme Court will determine whether to uphold a judgment by the Court of Appeal last year that ruled it was unlawful for car dealers to receive a commission on loans without sufficiently informing borrowers. It is estimated that millions of drivers would be eligible for compensation should the Supreme Court side with borrowers, following its three-day hearing in April. One case involves Marcus Johnson -- who in 2017 bought a Suzuki Swift from a car dealer in Cardiff for £6,500 ($8,560 today) including loan costs -- unaware that interest paid on the loan amount would fund commission of more than £1,600. When the Court of Appeal ruled in favour of Johnson, ordering South African lender FirstRand Bank to refund the commission plus interest, it sparked panic across the finance sector. British banks have set aside considerable sums in preparation for the ruling, including Lloyds, which has earmarked nearly £1.2 billion. The total estimated cost for banks varies, but HSBC bank analysts suggested before the trial that it could come to £44 billion. Since then, analysts have revised down the potential exposure of banks, British media reports suggesting a figure of around £11 billion. In the three cases being judged by the Supreme Court, consumers are also facing off against British bank Close Brothers. The Financial Conduct Authority, which banned undisclosed commissions in 2021, could mandate a collective automatic compensation programme should the court sides with borrowers. Analysts said that Britain's Labour government may be concerned about the impact on banks' willingness to provide credit amid economic uncertainty caused by US tariffs and geopolitical unrest. Finance minister Rachel Reeves is reportedly considering changes to the law to limit the banks' exposure. ode-ajb/bcp/jj Error while retrieving data Sign in to access your portfolio Error while retrieving data Error while retrieving data Error while retrieving data Error while retrieving data