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Drone Attacks Are the New Front in War. NATO Is Trying to Catch Up.

Drone Attacks Are the New Front in War. NATO Is Trying to Catch Up.

New York Times04-06-2025
The drones attacks that have filled the skies over Ukraine and Russia the past few weeks have not only cemented a new era of warfare, they have also shown Western countries how ill-prepared they are for it.
On Sunday, Ukraine launched hundreds of drones it had smuggled into Russia to strike air bases there, damaging or destroying as many as 20 strategic aircraft thousands of miles apart. That sent defense officials in some NATO nations rushing to assess whether they, too, could be vulnerable, if an adversary using drones could severely hobble a big military power — be it Russia, China or even the United States.
'This is more than an isolated incident — it's a glimpse into the character of future conflict, where war won't be confined to neatly drawn front lines,' said James Patton Rogers, a drone warfare expert at Cornell University. He said the urgent question for NATO, after 'an impressive attack by Ukraine,' is to determine the vulnerabilities of its own air bases, bombers and critical infrastructure.
Before the Ukrainian barrage, Russia had intensified a near-daily deluge of long-range drones to attack military and civilian targets across Ukraine, demonstrating an ability to launch thousands of uncrewed aircraft as quickly as they are built, experts said. By comparison, defense manufacturers in the United States and Europe have struggled for more than three years to ramp up weapons production.
NATO knows it has much to learn.
Earlier this year, NATO opened a joint training center with Ukrainian forces in Poland to share lessons from Russia's invasion. Ukraine's military is the largest (aside from Russia's) and most battled-tested in Europe, even if it is struggling to maintain territory in its border region.
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'Russia has had over a decade (the origins of the current war can be traced back to Russia's 2014 invasion of Crimea) to insert sleepers into critical national infrastructure installations such as nuclear power plants, gas-powered stations, airports, ports, communications hubs.' 'I think it likely that Russia has in place sleepers across any state it considers hostile,' Bennett adds, 'which, of course, would include NATO member states.' 'Which means that Russia has a head start on us.' 'It is easier to infiltrate liberal democracies than it is to infiltrate authoritarian states like Russia.' 'The former are open,' he says. 'The latter closed.' 'The UK's National Security Act is a belated response to this threat which, as I said, has been building.' This act, Bennett adds, aims to counter 'threats to national security from espionage, sabotage and persons acting for foreign powers,' including the sleepers deployed by Putin, a onetime KGB espionage operative. 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Peering into the storm-cloud future, Bennett predicts the next world war will erupt within the next decade, even as Putin's sleepers are activated to sabotage atomic stations and 'agencies such as the police service, the fire and rescue service … [and] defense contractors.' Elena Grossfeld, an expert on Russia's intelligence and defense operations at prestigious King's College London, points out that Putin, a world master of espionage and sabotage, like his Soviet forebears Lenin and Stalin, has already had more than two decades in power, ample time to despatch sleeper agents across the West. And the top-echelon sleepers turned out in Putin's 'illegals program,' she tells me in an interview, form just one class of spies. Other agents include Russians recruited during the mass exodus of intellectuals and technocrats since Putin's rise to power and foreigners lavishly bribed to join the Kremlin's intelligence corps. 'With multiple sabotage operations in Europe, Russian intelligence has been using a variety of agents.' Yet the size of Putin's shadow army of spies across Europe and the U.S. is difficult to estimate, she says. If even a handful succeed in infiltrating European or American nuclear power outposts, the potential could arise for this fifth column to sabotage the plants with the outbreak of a war. 'Damaging adversary infrastructure is aligned with Russian military and intelligence approaches,' Grossfeld says. And, whether in Ukraine now or in some future target of Moscow's aggression, she adds, 'The potential destruction of a nuclear power plant could be used to benefit Russia's military plans - as in, creating a denied territory, or some other purpose.'

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