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10 years after Obergefell, a discredited study lingers on same-sex marriage

10 years after Obergefell, a discredited study lingers on same-sex marriage

The Hill3 days ago

Today marks ten years since the U.S. Supreme Court decided Obergefell v. Hodges, legalizing same-sex marriage in all 50 states. Although this landmark decision now feels like a natural step forward, it came after decades of legal battles and shifting public opinion about same-sex marriage.
As six federal cases were making their way through the courts, the momentum behind legalizing same-sex marriage was building. Thirty-six states already allowed same-sex marriage and gay rights were expanding globally. Shifting public opinion in the U.S. reflected this change, with a clear majority of Americans supporting same-sex marriage by 2016.
Opponents of same-sex marriage knew momentum was not on their side, so they mounted a defense based on the claim that same-sex marriage is bad for children. To defend this claim, they went in search of data.
Two conservative organizations and W. Bradford Wilcox — a sociology professor with ties to one of the organizations — designed and funded a study that was to be completed in time to present to U.S. courts. Wilcox and his team recruited a researcher named Mark Regnerus to conduct the study at the University of Texas at Austin, a program with a strong reputation. They also hired several respected academic consultants (named in the write-up) who strategized about how to publish their findings in Social Science Research, a widely respected sociology journal.
With data collection underway, a problem with the timeline emerged. As sociologist and demographer Phil Cohen has described, data collection ended on February 21, 2012, but Social Science Research had received the article 20 days earlier, on February 1, 2012. This means that the manuscript was written and submitted before data collection was complete.
To be clear: the use of an incomplete dataset without disclosure violates scientific reporting standards. Correspondence among Wilcox's team revealed the likely reason for submitting early: they wanted the article to be published in time to be used in upcoming legal battles over same-sex marriage before the U.S. Supreme Court.
A closer look at the study's design reveals more problems. The central question was: 'Do the children of gay and lesbian parents look comparable to those of their heterosexual counterparts?' To answer it, Regnerus compared survey responses of adult children from three types of families. The first group was raised by both biological parents with intact marriages. The second and third groups had either a father or a mother who, at some point, was involved in a same-sex relationship.
There is a glaring problem here: having a parent who once had a same-sex relationship or romantic encounter is very different from being raised by same-sex parents. In fact, most people from these groups said they only lived with their parent while they had a same-sex partner for a few years or less. Some even reported never living with their parent while they were in that relationship.
Furthermore, almost half of the study participants reported that their biological parents had been through a divorce.
It is already well-known that having parents with intact marriages confers benefits upon children. So Regnerus's finding of group differences could have been chalked up to his comparing of people raised by divorced parents versus those raised by two biological parents who remained together.
Despite all these problems, how did the study get published in a well-respected peer-reviewed journal? It turns out, two of the reviewers also happened to be two of the study's paid consultants, with one of them being Wilcox himself.
Despite Regnerus's failure to answer (or even ask) his research question, he still testified against overturning Michigan's ban on same-sex marriage in a 2014 court case, citing his study as evidence. After reviewing the research and hearing the testimony, the judge, a Reagan appointee, wrote of Regnerus: 'The court finds Regnerus's testimony entirely unbelievable and not worthy of serious consideration.'
Social scientists agreed with the judge and decried the ethical and scientific lapses in this study.
Although Wilcox, Regnerus, and their allies lost the legal battle over same-sex marriage, they have not given up. Yet as of today, we know of no data showing differences between children raised by same-sex and opposite-sex couples in terms of social development, mental health, sexual behavior, substance abuse, or academic achievement.
Matthew D. Johnson is a professor of psychology and Alana L. Riso a graduate student, both at Binghamton University, State University of New York.

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Republicans defend cuts to Medicaid and renewable energy in Big Beautiful Bill: ‘absolutely out of control'
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New York Post

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A $40 million flameout in New Jersey's race for governor puts scrutiny on teachers union
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Politico

time28 minutes ago

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A $40 million flameout in New Jersey's race for governor puts scrutiny on teachers union

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Publicly, many lawmakers and union members are hesitant to speak out against the NJEA, which remains in a class of its own when it comes to political influence and has about 200,000 members across the state. But in the aftermath of a multimillion-dollar debacle, some in Trenton are starting to question the union's political prowess. Democratic state Sen. Vin Gopal, chair of the Senate Education Committee, called the spending 'concerning' and said that he's 'talked to a lot of the teachers here in Monmouth [County] and they're pretty frustrated.' 'I think the strength of the NJEA will be questioned after these election results,' Gopal said. 'How does it not?' The bet was that if union turnout was high, Spiller would be able to eke out a win. Spiller ended up earning 10 percent of the vote, a distant fifth behind Rep. Mikie Sherrill (D-N.J.), who won the nomination with 34 percent. But he earned close to 30,000 more votes than former state Senate President Steve Sweeney — a foe of the NJEA in a previous campaign. It's not the first time the union has lost a pricey gamble. In 2017, the union spent around $5 million to oust Sweeney — which at the time was considered the most expensive state legislative race in American history. The effort was unsuccessful and Sweeney won by 17 points against his Republican opponent. One former high-level NJEA official, granted anonymity to talk freely about their former employer, said that the millions spent 'didn't seem like a good investment' and could impact its ability to advocate for teachers in Trenton. 'The NJEA leadership's credibility I believe has been diminished as it relates to going into the Statehouse and fighting for issues for the association,' the person said, adding that local education associations' 'power remains the same.' 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'I think it was a very poorly calculated and piss-poor decision by the NJEA to blow that kind of money and the results prove that,' said John Napolitani, a local mayor and head of Asbury Park schools teachers' union. 'I don't even think the membership realized how much of their dollars were spent on this race, basically for a loss.' The union has previously pushed back on criticism about its political spending — particularly from the Sunlight Policy Center, an organization devoted to researching and countering the NJEA — as 'anti-union propaganda.' NJEA Secretary-Treasurer Petal Robertson in a statement to POLITICO condemned 'politicians who have gladly accepted significant financial support from NJEA members many times for their own campaigns' who have come out against the spending for Spiller. 'They never question why our members choose to support them,' Robertson said. 'They do often ask why we don't give more, so they aren't concerned about NJEA members investing in electoral advocacy. The concern only seems to arise when that investment goes to someone outside of the established political power structure. We know the usual naysayers, and they can continue with the same tired attacks, but we know our power and we own it.' At the Statehouse, some people see the investment in Spiller as business as usual. Democratic state Sen. Shirley Turner said that the union has long put its thumb on the scale in elections. 'You know, they do it all the time, it seems,' Turner, vice-chair of the Senate Education Committee, said in an interview. 'I don't know if this is any different than previously, they pick candidates, and they decide to support them in all ways, you know, including funding.' The union famously fought with Republican former Gov. Chris Christie — who likened the group to the mafia — during his eight years in office. That feud between the union and the right in New Jersey may carry on — Republican Jack Ciattarelli, his party's nominee for governor, accused Sherrill of rushing to 'suck up to the NJEA and embrace the guy who just lit $40 million of [teachers'] dues money on fire these past few months' in a recent social media post. 'What an insult to New Jersey's hard-working educators,' Ciattarelli added. Sherrill's campaign declined to comment when asked her thoughts on the NJEA's spending in the primary. It's common for teachers unions around the country to engage in political spending, though rarely to the extent of the NJEA. Notably in 2023, the Chicago Teachers Union spent more than $2 million to get its member and organizer Brandon Johnson into the mayorship. On the federal level, from 2023-2024, the National Education Association dropped $32 million on political spending (primarily to liberal groups), making it the top spender among teachers unions, according to OpenSecrets. The NJEA blew past that total in a state-level race in just a couple of months. The NJEA had a Herculean task in uplifting Spiller, who struggled to solidify his lane in the six-person primary and faced controversy during his time as mayor of Montclair. Despite Spiller's second-to-last finish, election results suggest his message — and the union's big spending — resonated in pockets of the state. He unexpectedly won Camden — a major city in South Jersey — and won Cumberland County, a rural area that has been trending quickly towards Republicans. But in Montclair, he finished in fifth. Bob Russo, a former mayor and member of the town council, said Spiller's tenure as mayor did not make him beloved by the town's rank-and-file Democrats. 'He's really not embraced by his hometown. That's your base,' he said. 'It's a shame he couldn't get more support, but it's because of [his] policies and the conduct as mayor.' Spiller's tenure as president is up this August. He'll be succeeded by Steve Beatty, the union's current vice president. After Spiller's loss, Beatty and Robertson in a statement touted the 'unprecedented grassroots effort powered by thousands of member volunteers' and congratulated Sherrill. Beatty acknowledged that 'in a six-way race with five other well-known and well-funded candidates … there were always going to be five candidates who came up short.' He also said that endorsing Spiller ensured that issues important to the union 'were part of the conversation in the primary.' 'We are proud that Sean was right there in the race alongside those candidates with deeper ties to New Jersey's political and financial elites,' he continued. 'It says a lot about how hard our members fought to change the narrative around who is qualified to step up and lead.' Unions from different sectors also spent in the race in support of other candidates, though not as much as the NJEA. And while other Democrats did outraise Spiller, no other independent expenditure groups boosting his opponents had as many resources as Working New Jersey. As of the end of May, two groups supporting Rep. Josh Gottheimer spent more than $11 million, as did two groups backing Jersey City Mayor Steven Fulop, and super PACs backing Sherrill and Sweeney spent around $4 million each. Other union leaders stand by the multimillion-dollar decision. 'I do think it was worth it,' said Melissa Tomlinson, vice-president of the Atlantic County Council of Education Associations and a member of NJEA's state executive committee. 'We need our voices heard in decision-making spaces. It's not enough for us to just be lobbying.' The NJEA counts around 200,000 members, and it's evident that not even half of them voted for their union president, who received less than 90,000 votes. 'If you were to ask [teachers] 'Is this how you want your monies used' — for a sitting president to spend millions of dollars to run for governor — they would say no,' the former high-level NJEA official said. 'And how do I think they would say no? The numbers that did not vote for him on Election Day is proof.' The union has not yet determined how it will engage in the general election. Beatty said that 'NJEA members will consider who to support in November in all the races,' and both Ciattarelli and Sherrill will be invited to partake in the endorsement screening process. In past elections, the NJEA has been a prominent spender post-primary. The union has consistently endorsed Democrats for governor, and it doesn't appear that will change anytime soon. Ciattarelli supports policies like school vouchers, which are a non-starter for the union. When asked at a recent event if she would seek the NJEA's support, Sherrill told reporters that her 'door is open to everyone.' Throughout the primary, Spiller pushed back on criticisms about the union's spending, asserting that he was not in charge of how that money was spent. He also often argued that the union represents working-class people, as opposed to big-dollar donors. 'It's never about me,' Spiller said during the primary. 'This is about, how do we change systems? How do we fight for somebody who's gonna fight for working class folks? And that never stops.'

Virginia Democrat: Trump bill will be ‘political albatross' for Republicans
Virginia Democrat: Trump bill will be ‘political albatross' for Republicans

The Hill

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