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‘Please don't ask': why the US kept the UK out of the raids on Iran's nuclear sites

‘Please don't ask': why the US kept the UK out of the raids on Iran's nuclear sites

The Guardian6 days ago

The US did not ask to use UK airbases to support its overnight bombing of Iran because that would have required British ministers to take a view on the legality of the attack, according to a former government adviser.
Lord Ricketts, a former UK national security chief, said he believed the US concluded it was better not to ask to launch B-2 bombers from the RAF base of Diego Garcia in the Indian Ocean than to be told no.
'Either the Americans worked it out, or were privately told please don't ask, because it would raise fundamental questions about our taking part,' Ricketts said. 'The US has a different view on international law than the UK does.'
On Sunday morning, Jonathan Reynolds, the business secretary, said that 'no request was made' by the US for help in the bombing. No British airbases or any other military assets were involved in Operation Midnight Hammer, ministers added.
The prime minister, Keir Starmer, said the UK had been 'given due notice' of President Donald Trump's intention to bomb Iran, though it is unclear how far in advance this may have been of the bombing raid that took place just before midnight UK time. Officials said notification occurred 'shortly before' the US strikes were launched.
In the past, Britain has been eager to act as the US's principal military ally in the Middle East, most notably in 2003 when the UK participated in the controversial ground invasion of Iraq when Tony Blair, then the prime minister, sought to work closely with former president George W Bush.
But on this occasion the UK has largely acted as a bystander and has not always appeared to read the ultimate intentions of the US president, who is notoriously unpredictable.
Last Tuesday at the G7 summit in Banff, Canada from which Trump departed early because of the Iran crisis, Starmer said there was 'nothing the president said that suggests that he's about to get involved in this conflict', having sat next to him at dinner the previous evening. Those present said that the prime minister seemed confident, even unequivocal in his analysis of the situation.
After the summit, reports circulated that the government's most senior lawyer, Richard Hermer, was unconvinced that any UK military involvement in attacking Iran would be legal. One official who had seen Hermer's legal advice told the Spectator 'the AG has concerns about the UK playing any role in this except for defending our allies'.
B-2 bombers frequently use the RAF base at Diego Garcia, which is a shorter flight over water to Iran but, as is the case with the use of all UK bases by the US air force, it would require British permission. Similar authorisation would be needed for the US to use RAF Akrotiri in Cyprus for refuelling, though that too was not sought.
A graphic released by the Pentagon showed seven B-2 bombers flying from their home base at Whiteman, Missouri across the Atlantic and avoiding passing over European countries by flying over the strait of Gibraltar and through the Mediterranean before going on to Iran via Israel, Jordan and Iraq, a flight path of more than 8,000 miles.
Pete Hegseth, the US defence secretary, said on Sunday morning that 'no other country on planet Earth' could have conducted the bombing raid on Iran, which he later emphasised 'was US operated and US led'. Only assistance from Israel was acknowledged by Gen Dan Caine, the US chair of the joint chiefs of staff, in the former of prior attacks to degrade Iranian air defences.
Under international law, a country is allowed to fight in self-defence and the prevailing view is that pre-emptive military strikes are legal if it is believed an incoming military threat is imminent – though the US argues the right of self-defence applies broadly against any illegal use of force against itself or its allies.
In justifying the bombing raid on Sunday, Hegseth did not mention the question of imminence. He said: 'The president authorised a precision operation to neutralise the threats to our national interests posed by the Iranian nuclear programme and the collective self-defence of our troops and our ally Israel.'
'I think to a certain degree the UK government will be relieved' that the US did not ask for help, said Matthew Savill, a former civil servant now with the Royal United Services Institute thinktank. But he cautioned that, despite that, the UK 'could get sucked into the regional blowback' in the form of attacks by Iran or its proxies.
On Sunday, UK defence officials said that additional steps had been taken to protect British forces in the Middle East after the US bombing. Force protection at sites such as Akrotiri in Cyprus – where at least 14 Typhoon fighters are stationed – and naval bases in Oman and Bahrain were at the 'highest level,' the defence secretary, John Healey, said.
Starmer called for restraint in the response to US strikes on Iran, warning of the possibility of escalation beyond the Middle East. The prime minister spoke to the king of Jordan and the sultan of Oman and called for talks that would end the threat posed by Iran's nuclear programme.
'It is important that we now de-escalate the situation, stabilise the region and get the parties back around the table to negotiate,' he told broadcasters on Sunday morning. 'I'm very clear in my own mind that Iran cannot be allowed to have a nuclear weapon that is the greatest threat to stability in the region.'

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What's in the latest version of Trump's big bill now before the Senate?
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SNP's ‘student politicians' snub submarine welding centre
SNP's ‘student politicians' snub submarine welding centre

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SNP's ‘student politicians' snub submarine welding centre

Sir Keir Starmer's government is expected to step in to fund an ambitious defence facility on the Clyde after the SNP's 'student union' politicians refused grant funding on ideological grounds. A £2.5 million grant from Scottish Enterprise, the national economic development agency, for a submarine welding centre was withheld due to a party ban on 'munitions' funding. Rolls-Royce, which is ready to support the project by providing £11 million worth of specialist equipment, expressed 'dismay' at the news last week. It said the project had been classified as a 'munitions' scheme solely on the basis that it would 'support the construction of naval vessels'. • SNP ban on 'munitions' funds puts Scottish shipbuilding on the line In a letter seen by The Times, Steve Carlier, president of submarines at Rolls-Royce, warned John Swinney, the first minister, that the project 'cannot continue' without the public funding and was at risk of being formally cancelled within days. The funding, which Scottish Enterprise said had not been formally applied for, is believed to have been rejected as the Scottish government's definition of 'weapons or ammunition' would include a 'military submarine', rather than directly relating to any arms. Rolls-Royce has disputed that it is a 'munitions' company. All UK military submarines are powered by nuclear propulsion, regardless of whether or not they have the capacity to carry nuclear weapons, and Rolls-Royce technology is not used for firing warheads. John Healey, the UK defence secretary, told The Sunday Show, on BBC1 that he could 'hardly believe' a Scottish nationalist government would stand in the way of skills development in Scotland. He said: 'We have a long-term partnership with Rolls-Royce who are central to some of the military equipment that keep us all safe. 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A rise in defence spending will kick-start the industrial future
A rise in defence spending will kick-start the industrial future

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A rise in defence spending will kick-start the industrial future

The decision at the Nato summit this week to increase defence spending to 5 per cent of GDP by 2035 is a seismic shift for all of us and will have massive implications for the budgets of every government department over the next decade. When we consider in the high levels of debt and tax, this raises fundamental questions for government in allocating resources at a time when the growth of tax receipts is constrained by the paucity of economic growth. Right across western Europe the challenge caused by the financial crisis of 2008 led to a step change in the long-term trajectory of financial growth. Put simply we have come up short. The challenge for us is how we strengthen the economy in the midst of the challenges we face? A failure to move the needle on this will result in living standards continuing to be squeezed and the impossibility of funding the growth of defence spending, resulting in painful cuts elsewhere. • Ageing and sick population will lead to £16bn annual tax rise Events have conspired to leverage massive costs on to the public purse: Covid, the cost of living crisis, largely as a knock-on effect of the Ukrainian conflict, have led to levels of fiscal debt typically only seen at times of war. Time of war is an apt phrase as politicians and wider society have a growing realisation that times have changed. Global instability and the threat of war is very real. Though in these islands we have excellence in many aspects of our armed forces, to a large extent our military capability has been hollowed out. The need to enhance defence capability and at pace is stark. There is now a race to invest and if we take last year's defence spending of £53.9 billion as our base, we are going to have to find by 2035 an extra £60 billion plus a year to invest in defence. Where is this to come from? Starmer's government are for now, silent on the source of the majority of this funding. Difficult choices are going to have to be made. • SNP ban on 'munitions' funds puts Scottish shipbuilding on the line Short of a sustained increase in economic growth there is going to be a squeeze elsewhere on spending. Austerity will be a price to be paid as a consequence of having to invest in our national security. Investment in defence, though, can be a lever and transformative in itself in generating economic growth. With the increase in defence spending requiring £60 billion-plus, it is beyond doubt that we need to make sure that Scotland gets its fair share, and I know the Scottish government will be standing up for Scotland's interest in making it happen. There is a long history of the SNP doing just that. From Nicola Sturgeon making the case for shipbuilding jobs at Govan and numerous MPs making the case for defence spending in Scotland, most notably Angus Robertson and Stewart MacDonald, who championed the industry and in particular defended Scotland's historic regiments — a campaign led by Annabelle Ewing. It is therefore of no surprise — and consistent with the long-term position of the SNP — to read John Swinney being quoted in The Times this week that he had no objections if a company came to Scotland to set up a munitions factory, while making the point that the Russian threat is very real. We speak of our support for Ukraine. We speak of their right to defend their sovereignty. There is a need to replenish munitions in support of the defence of Ukraine. In doing this, though, there are red lines and that means munitions supplied in the needs of strategic defence interests and never in situations such as Gaza where civilians are targeted. Indeed, the SNP website makes the point that 'defence manufacturing infrastructure in Scotland is fundamental to our national engineering and manufacturing sector'. Today in Scotland we have excellence in aerospace, defence, security and space. The challenge is leveraging in investment and accelerating economic growth that is critical to our financial security as a consequence of the need to invest in our national security. ADS, the umbrella body for the industry, points out that the sector today employs 33,500 workers and delivers a value added of £3.2 billion, with an output per worker of £95,000. These figures make it self-evident that there is an economic prize in attracting defence investment into Scotland. We all want high growth, high wage, high productivity Scotland. A society that drives investment in skills and innovation. Think for a minute of our industrial past and leading-edge electrical engineering businesses such as Ferranti, (now Leonardo). Scotland is at the forefront of innovation in both defence and in civil applications. We need to re-engineer to capture that pioneering spirit, not just for defence capabilities but to use that opportunity as a lever through defence diversification to create a broader and deeper industrial and advanced manufacturing base. John Swinney is right to demonstrate that Scotland is open for investment. An increase in defence spending is coming. We should seize the opportunities out of this to kick-start investment in advanced manufacturing through, among other things, utilising our world-class academic base to develop the technologies and businesses for the future. Investment in defence, will kick-start the delivery of an industrial future for Scotland. ​Ian Blackford was the SNP leader in the House of Commons from 2017 to 2022, and an MP for Ross, Skye and Lochaber from 2015 to 2024.

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