11 inmates escape New Orleans jail, considered "armed and dangerous"
CBS affiliate WWL reported that the Louisiana State Police had apprehended one of the inmates during a widening manhunt across New Orleans.
"A search for the individuals is currently underway, OPSO is working with local and state law enforcement agencies on the search to return them to custody," the Orleans Parish Sheriff's office said in a statement.
The Orleans Parish Jail is currently on lockdown.
This is a breaking news story. Please check back for updates.
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Yahoo
4 hours ago
- Yahoo
Can GOP shock Dems in Aug. 5 special election to succeed Ruggerio in RI Senate?
The first test of how Rhode Island Republicans' message is playing in the state during the second Trump administration comes Aug. 5 in the special Senate election to replace the late Dominick Ruggerio. The GOP's Alex Asermely takes on Democratic nominee Stefano Famiglietti in the race to represent Senate District 4, covering most of North Providence and a section of northwest Providence. Republicans face an uphill battle in the Senate district, which Democrat Ruggerio represented since 1984 and which has been controlled by his extended family for more than half a century. And Ruggerio hadn't had a general election opponent since two independent candidates were on the ballot in 2012. Famiglietti, with support from the state's Democratic establishment and businesses, outspent Asermely in the campaign by more than three to one, about $32,000 to $9,000. Asermely may benefit from the fact that the district has become somewhat more conservative in recent years, in part due to boundary changes that made it more difficult terrain for Democratic primary challengers. And North Providence is among the suburbs that have tilted red since 2016. Both Asermely, 39, and Famiglietti, 33, are attorneys and residents of North Providence. Famiglietti defeated three other Democrats in the July primary. Asermely was unopposed for the GOP nomination. Where do they stand on the issues? Asemely is running on business friendliness and cutting taxes. Famiglietti's top priority is bringing back more state aid to North Providence. Gun control, a big issue in the recent General Assembly session, has not been a top issue in this race, with both candidates saying they opposed the recently passed ban on sales of assault-style weapons. And, unlike Famiglietti's primary opponents, neither candidate is calling for Mayor Charles Lombardi to step down over allegations that town employees did work on his property. "At this junction, Mayor Lombardi is facing just civil accusations and not any criminal charges," Famiglietti said. "While the accusations are severe and bears watching, we certainly cannot solely allow such accusations to determine guilt or innocence." Asermely said it's a town rather than a State House matter. Truck tolls They do, however, differ on some other big issues. The state budget assumes the truck toll network will relaunch sometime next year and provide $10 million in state revenue, although details remain scant. Is Gov. Dan McKee right to turn the tolls back on? "No, absolutely not, as it is an impediment to commerce," Asermely said. "It is an unfair burden on small businesses that gets passed on to the consumers." Famiglietti: "Yes, I am in favor of turning the truck tolls back on, as it is the most effective way to raise revenue to repair our roads and bridges without directly impacting the taxpayers. With that said, I will never be in favor of tolling passenger vehicles." Hospitals Despite extensive efforts by the state to help shore up financially struggling hospitals, the CharterCare hospitals that included Fatima of North Providence are still searching for investors to help facilitate a turnaround plan. Should the state do whatever it takes to keep them afloat? "The state should use any and all resources to save these facilities," Famiglietti said. "Both facilities are essential to our local health care system as well as our state's health care system. The loss of these facilities would cause an unbearable strain that would adversely affect care in our state." Asermely: "These are private businesses. It is not the duty of the taxpayers to bail them out. The taxpayers contribute enough through private pay, insurance, Medicare, & Medicaid. Under no circumstances should services be cut, as this is a management issue." Washington Bridge The Democratic and Republican candidates also have differing report cards for the Rhode Island Department of Transportation's handling of the westbound Washington Bridge emergency. Famiglietti said while the bridge closure has adversely affected residents, "the steps taken to allow for continued flow of traffic while safeguarding public safety have been prudent. However, we must take care that all of our roads and bridges are monitored and repaired to avoid situations like this in the future." Asermely blasted the pace of the rebuild effort and DOT's answers for how the problem arose.. "No, it has not progressed fast enough and work seems to be sporadic and slow," he said. "Transparency has been a disaster and this should have never happened in the first place." Housing Neither candidate is a fan of state efforts to build more housing by overriding local restrictions on construction or ending mandates for homes to sit on large properties. "There is little available property in Senate District 4," Asermely said. "The use of that property should be defined by the market, not the legislature." Famiglietti: "I do not support allowing more unfettered housing in District 4. My experience on the North Providence Town Council has shown me the negative effects increasing housing density has on our already densely populated community." Pensions Both candidates support restoring cost of living adjustment payments to public-sector retirees that were cut in 2011, but neither supports raising taxes to do it. School lunches Neither candidate supports providing universal free school lunch, as in Massachusetts and Connecticut. This article originally appeared on The Providence Journal: Senate District 4 special election: Where candidates stand on issues Solve the daily Crossword
Boston Globe
a day ago
- Boston Globe
Rose Leiman Goldemberg, 97, dies; her ‘Burning Bed' was a TV benchmark
Ms. Goldemberg was working as a playwright in the mid-1970s when she sent a few story outlines to an unusually receptive television producer. One of them, a drama about immigrants set on the Lower East Side of Manhattan in 1910, caught his interest. It became a television movie, 'The Land of Hope' (a title Ms. Goldemberg hated), which aired on CBS in 1976. It centered on a Jewish family and their Irish and Italian neighbors. There were labor organizers, gangsters, and musicians, and a rich uncle who wanted to adopt a child to say Kaddish for him when the time came. Such an ethnic stew was a stretch for the network, and critics loved it. Get Starting Point A guide through the most important stories of the morning, delivered Monday through Friday. Enter Email Sign Up 'A thoroughly charming surprise,' John O'Connor wrote in his review for The New York Times. Advertisement As a pilot for a series, 'The Land of Hope' went nowhere, but it made Ms. Goldemberg's reputation, and she began receiving stories to be turned into scripts. 'Where did you spring from?' one network executive asked her, she recalled in a 2011 interview for the nonprofit organization New York Women in Film & Television. 'As though I were a mushroom.' It was Arnold Shapiro, the veteran producer, writer and director behind 'Scared Straight!,' a well-received TV documentary about teenage delinquents being brought into contact with prison inmates, who sent Ms. Goldemberg 'The Burning Bed,' a 1980 book by The New Yorker writer Faith McNulty about the case of Francine Hughes. Advertisement Hughes's story was horrific. For 13 years, she had been terrorized by her alcoholic husband. One day in March 1977, after a brutal beating, she called the police in their Michigan town. Two officers responded and then left, saying there was nothing they could do because they hadn't witnessed the attacks. That night, the beating resumed, and Hughes's husband raped her. When he fell asleep, she doused the bed with gasoline, lit a match, and set the bed on fire. Then she put her children in the car and drove to the county jail to report what she had done. Her husband died that night, and Francine Hughes was charged with first-degree murder. Nine months later, a jury pronounced her not guilty by reason of temporary insanity. The verdict made national headlines. Fawcett, the pinup star of 'Charlie's Angels,' the frothy crime series, was already attached to the project; she had shown her dramatic chops in 'Extremities,' an off-Broadway production about a woman who exacts revenge on her rapist, and wanted to continue working in that vein. Yet the project was initially turned down by all three networks. When it was resurrected, by NBC, in one of those complicated scenarios particular to Hollywood, Shapiro was somehow left out of the production. The movie aired in October 1984, to mostly critical acclaim. (Paul Le Mat played the husband.) It was seen by tens of millions of viewers, and NBC's ratings soared, pulling the network out of third place and putting it on top for the first time in a decade. Fawcett, Ms. Goldemberg, the producers, and even the makeup artist were nominated for Emmy Awards, and the movie set off a national conversation about domestic abuse. Women's shelters, a rarity in those days, began opening all over the country; the film was shown in men's prisons; and Ms. Goldemberg was often asked to speak to women's groups. Advertisement Inevitably, as she recalled in 2011, 'someone would say, 'I couldn't talk about my own abuse until I saw the film.'' She added: 'It wasn't because of me. It was a wonderful performance by Farrah, and the timing was right. It was just a remarkable confluence of the right things happening at the right time.' Still, Ms. Goldemberg began fielding entreaties from other actresses who wanted her to write star vehicles for them, projects akin to 'The Burning Bed.' She did so for one of Fawcett's fellow angels, Jaclyn Smith, cowriting the TV movie 'Florence Nightingale' for her. Broadcast in April 1985, it did not have the same impact as 'The Burning Bed'; most critics found it soapy and forgettable. A Lucille Ball vehicle fared much better. Ball wanted a script about homelessness, and when she and Ms. Goldemberg met at her Beverly Hills house, Ball laid out her terms: She wanted to play a character with some of the personality traits of her grandmother, and named for her. Ms. Goldemberg came up with 'Stone Pillow,' a television film about a homeless woman named Florabelle. In his Times review, under the headline 'Lucille Ball Plays a Bag Lady on CBS,' O'Connor called the movie 'a carefully contrived concoction' but praised Ball 'as wily and irresistible as ever.' Advertisement Rose Marion Leiman was born on May 17, 1928, on Staten Island, N.Y. Her mother, Esther (Friedman) Leiman, oversaw the home until World War II, when she became an executive secretary at Bank of America; her father, Louis Leiman, owned a chain of dry-cleaning stores in New Jersey. Rose earned a bachelor's degree in 1949 from Brooklyn College, where she had enrolled at 16, and a Master of Arts in English from Ohio State University. She married Raymond Schiller, a composer who followed her from Brooklyn College to Ohio State, in 1949; he later became a computer systems designer. They divorced in 1968. Her marriage, in 1969, to Robert Goldemberg, a cosmetic chemist, ended in divorce in 1989. Her first television-related job was at TV Guide in the 1950s, writing reviews of shows airing on what was then a new medium. She eventually began writing plays. Ms. Goldemberg is survived by a son, Leiman Schiller, and three stepchildren, David Goldemberg, Kathy Holmes, and Sharanne Goldemberg. This article originally appeared in
Miami Herald
a day ago
- Miami Herald
Florida's GOP now has an opportunity to renew commitment to family values
The Republican Party has long prided itself on being the party of family values. Character is supposed to matter, especially when it comes to our elected officials. But recently, the party that should be setting the standard seems to be lowering it. The 2024 Republican Party platform, when outlining how it would empower American families, said, 'Republicans will promote a culture that values the sanctity of marriage, the blessings of childhood, the foundational role of families, and supports working parents.' That's not new. But lately, this supposed commitment to family values has been harder to reconcile against the personal conduct of some Republican leaders. There was the Cabinet member (Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth) who faced allegations of sexual assault, the attorney general nominee (Matt Gaetz) who withdrew his name from consideration amid accusations of sexual misconduct with a 17-year-old, and a Florida congressman (Rep. Cory Mills) who was criminally investigated but never charged after allegations he assaulted a woman. And, there's the president himself, found liable in 2023 for sexually abusing writer E. Jean Carroll. That's not even counting the dozens of women who have accused now-President Donald Trump of sexual misconduct going back to the 1970s. Allegations are not convictions, of course, but party politics isn't the same as a courtroom. The fact that the Republican Party has in some cases allowed people with a history of alleged sexual abuse to continue to serve is problematic. The GOP's moral compass may need to be recalibrated. Over the weekend, Fort Pierce City Commissioner James Taylor was arrested, following a months-long multi-state investigation, on 24 felony counts involving allegations that he sent sexually explicit images to a 12-year-old. Last August, a mom in Illinois reported that Taylor had been using Snapchat to sext her daughter. While Taylor, who was serving in a non-partisan seat, had already submitted his resignation effective on Aug. 2, Gov. Ron DeSantis suspended him from the city commission. In the executive order, DeSantis said Taylor's suspension was 'in the best interests' of city residents and the state. The governor has the legal authority to suspend an elected official charged with a crime. In recent years, character has taken a backseat to cult personalities and culture wars. There was a time when the Republican Party held its members to a high moral standard. But now, the party increasingly seems comfortable with turning a blind eye as long as a candidate can draw a crowd or delivers a win. That's how the GOP ended up nominating Trump three times as their presidential candidate and electing him twice to the White House. In addition to being found liable for sexual abuse, Trump has been convicted of 34 felony charges and had a well-documented relationship with convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein. Yet, these things haven't cost him support of the Republican Party. The party that once raised questions about former President Bill Clinton's moral fitness to serve in office after having a sexual relationship with a White House intern has now fully embraced a man whose personal conduct is vastly worse than Clinton's. When the current GOP fails to hold its own leaders accountable, it weakens the party. Character cannot be situational. At this point, it feels like a lost cause to try to hold Trump accountable, even if the Epstein case won't go away. But it's important to call this behavior out. Moral corruption in leadership isn't confined to Washington, D.C. It bleeds into institutions and society. Republicans shouldn't be defending leaders whose behavior they'd never tolerate from their spouse, teachers or their child's Little League coach. When allowed to go unchecked, sexual misconduct from our leaders becomes normalized. It's not surprising that so many principled conservatives feel politically homeless. They are watching in real-time as their party brushes aside morally questionable behavior. The governor got it right by suspending Taylor, and in doing so, he reminded Republicans that they can still be the party of principle, not just power. Being the party of family values requires holding leaders — at every level — to a consistent moral standard. Not just when it's easy, but especially when it's hard. Mary Anna Mancuso is a member of the Miami Herald Editorial Board. Her email: mmancuso@
