
Challenges for LGBTQ+ community 10 years after referendum
62% of voters approved the amendment to the Constitution of Ireland that would allow same-sex marriage, 38% voted against.
It was the first time a state legalised same-sex marriage through a popular vote. Thousands celebrated, including those who had travelled from overseas to vote.
Our Social Affairs Correspondent Ailbhe Conneely looks back at the campaign and examines challenges the LGBTQ+ community face.
The Upper Square of Dublin Castle has been the backdrop to many historic moments.
However, few have been charged with the emotion of that landmark result 10 years ago when the public voted for the legalisation of same sex marriage.
There were scenes of joy when the final result was announced.
62% of voters approved the amendment to the Constitution of Ireland that would allow same-sex marriage, 38% voted against it.
The anniversary of the referendum has offered campaigners on both sides a chance to reflect.
The co-director of the 'Yes Equality' campaign Brian Sheehan said he realised they might just do it when those who had travelled home to vote by boat arrived in Dublin Bay.
"The boat to vote people were crossing, sailing into Dublin Bay and somebody got up on the deck and sang 'She moved through the Fair', which has that beautiful line, 'it will not be long love till our wedding day', and I thought, OK, maybe we just can do it.
"But the scale of the result was astonishing. Irish people were fair and generous and inclusive and kind."
62% of voters said yes to marriage equality and 38% voted against. The turnout was 61%.
Magnanimous in defeat 10 years ago, Independent Senator Rónán Mullen who campaigned for the No side admits that the outcome was clear at the time.
In hindsight, he believes there was a sense of understanding and civility from both sides.
"I think broadly speaking the yes side were mostly quite understanding of no voters' concerns, particularly at the leadership level.
"Now, there were incidents where there was a certain amount of unfair accusations of homophobia towards people and that maybe a certain amount of cultural pressure as well online," he said.
Me Mullen added: "I think that was unhelpful, but for the most part, I think the debate took place very civilly between the different sides."
Bolstered by their unions through marriage, many gay couples decided to expand their families, but having children hasn't been straight forward for some.
While Ranae Von Meding and her wife are legally recognised as the parents of their eldest girls, their 16-month-old son has just one legal parent because of a change in the law in 2020.
She has lobbied hard for years to point out that the existing legislation is not fit for purpose and is excluding many children.
"I always bring it back to children because as a parent, yes, it's an inconvenience for me and we have to find work arounds and only one parent can sign certain things. But when you come down to it, it's the children who are affected.
"My son is being denied such a basic right that other children are given, which is a legal connection to the people who are raising him, and if anything, were to happen to me, he would be orphaned and that is not what people voted for 10 years ago."
Efforts to lobby successive governments and health ministers to change legislation has been gruelling.
"We are doing this for our children, but we have to remember that for the Government and the people in those positions that were put there, this is their job to engage and to fix this so that the children of Ireland can finally say that they're equal," Ms Von Meding said.
In 2015, few could have imagined that hate crimes and discrimination would seep into Irish society over the following decade, but this is a reality for many members of the community, particularly in the last four to five years.
LGBT Ireland CEO Paula Fagan believes it's a rollback on what was achieved.
"People are back feeling unsafe and not wanting to be out because of fear for their safety.
"So that's a real rollback and I think it's that's why it's so important that the government and politicians and society keep pushing for progress," Ms Fagan said.
Campaigners have the next 10 years is about reigniting the positivity and hope of 2015.
Brian Sheehan believes Ireland's EU Presidency next year could offer an opportunity.
"It's an opportunity to demonstrate strong leadership and stand firm for EU LGBT people to show that they're valued and respected and will be treated equally.
"The Irish people gave a mandate to the Irish Government to do that," Mr Sheehan said.
He added: "We need the courage to stand up for those who are not being treated well in our lives around us at the moment and I think that matters, whether you're LGBT, there's a rollback on women's rights, there's a rollback on rights from minorities for people of colour, and I think that's the kind of space we have to mind.
"We have to mind the good bits of Ireland, and therein lies the victory in the referendum. That isn't done yet."
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RTÉ News
3 hours ago
- RTÉ News
Trump claims victory on trade - but EU had little choice
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Sunday World
4 hours ago
- Sunday World
Ex-Provo says he's proud IRA chiefs asked him to tell world their war was over
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Not everyone believed them but 20 years on only the most diehard unionist would argue that the IRA still exists as a violent force. Seanna Walsh, announces that IRA leadership has formally ordered an end to its armed campaign in 2005. Séanna (68) reveals this week why he thinks he was chosen to deliver that message, how he had check it was okay with his family first and how he feels about it 20 years later. While a number of ceasefires had been announced and collapsed since 1994, the 2005 statement saw the start of the decommissioning of weapons. The IRA statement delivered by Séanna said that members had been instructed to use exclusively peaceful means and not to engage in any other activities whatsoever. 'I had to be unmasked,' says Séanna – now a Sinn Féin Belfast city councillor – told the Sunday World. 'It had to be that way because we were doing something different. 'It was the defining moment of my life as a republican and I'm very proud of the fact the IRA leadership asked me to be the person to read the statement. 'I wasn't wearing a mask because we had to move away from that but I wasn't worried because I was quite convinced the days of the armed conflict were over. Séanna Walsh reflects on delivering historic IRA statement 20 years on News in 90 Seconds, Friday August 1 'It was made in the grounds of the Roddy's (Roddy McCorley's Club) and there's a museum there today and you can push the button and play the video and actually there's a recording of me reading the statement in English but also in Irish.' Walsh was a 48-year-old father-of-three when he made the statement which lasted just over four minutes and was filmed in the grounds of the west Belfast club. By then he'd already been in jail three times for his role in violent republicanism – in fact by the time he was released in 1998 he'd spent more time behind bars than out – and his track record was one of the reasons he believes he was chosen to read out the statement. 'I didn't ask them why I was chosen,' says Walsh. 'I was approached by an IRA comrade and that's as much as I can say. I suppose it's because I was confident enough to do it. 'I think they asked me because of the fact I'd served time in the Cages (Long Kesh), where I first met Bobby Sands, and where I shared a cell with him and we became very close friends. 'Then during the hunger strike period I was back in the H-Blocks and suffered the abuse of the blanket protest and was then in charge of the H-Blocks after Bik McFarlane stood down. 'On being released I went back to the struggle and was recaptured a third time and sentenced to 22 years the third time and was finally released in 1998. 'When I was asked would I be prepared to be the one to read the statement to camera and this would go out globally, I had to take a step back and I told them I'll have to think about this because I have three daughters, two of which were teens and the other was only a child. 'I needed to sit down and go through it all with my family – my wife is a long-standing republican in her own right and shared a cell in jail in Armagh with Mairéad Farrell for a number of years. 'So my wife was okay with it and the girls were absolutely supportive – the one thing I was most concerned about was the way that stuff like this can impact on their opportunities to travel and them being at that age. 'So I sat down with them and talked it over with them and I came back and said 'yes I'll do it'. I was a bit concerned about putting myself above the parapet and making myself a target of abuse because we were putting it up to the establishment in a way we hadn't really done before.' 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Irish Examiner
10 hours ago
- Irish Examiner
Daniel O'Connell personified the perpetual importance of an independent Bar
On July 27, 1813, in the Court of King's Bench in Dublin, Daniel O'Connell rose to defend John Magee, publisher of the Dublin Evening Post, against a charge of criminal libel. His speech that day demonstrated how a skilled barrister could transform an oppressive legal system into an instrument of political change. The case of The King v. John Magee remains one of the most memorable examples of O'Connell's extraordinary ability to use his legal expertise in the service of justice and reform. The charge against Magee arose from his publication of a review criticising the departing Lord Lieutenant, the Duke of Richmond. The article condemned Richmond's errors in governing Ireland and compared him to the worst of his predecessors, who were described as 'the profligate unprincipled Westmorland, the cold-hearted and cruel Camden, the artful and treacherous Cornwallis'. More significantly, it challenged the fundamental principle of British rule in Ireland — 'a principle of exclusion, which debars the majority of the people from the enjoyment of those privileges that are possessed by the minority'. This was no ordinary libel case. As O'Connell understood, it was unavoidably a political case, and it demanded a political speech. The prosecution was designed to suppress dissent and maintain the exclusion of Ireland's Catholic majority from political participation. Attorney General William Saurin made this clear in his opening, describing Magee as a 'ruffian' whose purpose was 'to excite [in the minds of the population] hatred against those whom the laws have appointed to rule over them, and prepare them for revolution'. O'Connell faced formidable obstacles. The law of criminal libel was so broad that, as he later observed, 'every letter I ever published could be declared a libel' and the libel law could 'produce a conviction with a proper judge and jury for The Lord's Prayer with due legal inuendoes'. More damaging still was the composition of the jury — hand-picked to ensure conviction. With characteristic boldness, O'Connell confronted this unfairness head-on, telling the jurors: 'Gentlemen, he [the Attorney General] thinks he knows his men; he knows you; many of you signed the no-popery petition... you would not have been summoned on this jury if you had entertained liberal sentiments'. Rather than being cowed by these disadvantages, O'Connell turned them into weapons. He began by meeting Saurin's personal attacks, describing the Attorney General's speech as a 'farrago of helpless absurdity'. When Saurin had stooped to calling Magee a ruffian and comparing him to 'the keeper of a house of ill fame', O'Connell lamented how far Saurin fell below the standards of the great Irish barristers such as Curran and Ponsonby: 'Devoid of taste and of genius, how can he have had memory enough to preserve this original vulgarity — he is, indeed, an object of compassion; and, from my inmost soul, I bestow on him my forgiveness and my bounteous pity'. O'Connell was even able to use Saurin's own words against him. When the Attorney General accused Magee of Jacobinism, O'Connell recalled Saurin's defence of himself against the same charge in 1800, when Saurin, then anti-union, had declared that 'agitation is ... the price necessarily paid for liberty'. O'Connell's response was devastating: 'We have paid the price, gentlemen, and the honest man refuses to give us the goods'. What made O'Connell's defence truly remarkable was how he transformed a hopeless legal case into a powerful platform for political reform. His bold claim: 'the Catholic cause is on its majestic march — its progress is rapid and obvious... We will, we must, be soon emancipated' is electrifying even now. What must it have sounded like in his voice, in that court, in that trial, in those times? His confidence in his legal position was equally striking. When Saurin threatened to crush the Catholic Board, O'Connell declared: 'I am, if not a lawyer, at least a barrister. On this subject, I ought to know something; and I do not hesitate to contradict the Attorney General ... the Catholic Board is perfectly a legal assembly — that it not only does not violate the law, but that it is entitled to the protection of the law' Perhaps the most significant moment came not during the trial itself, but at the sentencing hearing on November 27, 1813. When Saurin attempted to use Magee's publication of O'Connell's defence speech as grounds for increasing Magee's sentence, O'Connell delivered what may be his most important statement on the role of the legal profession. In the face of personal threats of contempt and possible imprisonment following his denunciation of the Attorney General, O'Connell stood firm, delivering an impassioned defence of the importance of an independent Bar: 'It is the first interest of the public that the Bar shall be left free... the public are deeply interested in our independence; their properties, their lives, their honours, are entrusted to us; and if we, in whom such a guardianship is confided, be degraded, how can we afford protection to others?'. This was not merely professional self-interest, but a profound understanding of the Bar's constitutional role. In a system designed to exclude the majority from political participation, an independent legal profession became the last protection of individual rights. O'Connell grasped the fact that, without fearless advocates willing to challenge authority, the law would become merely an instrument of oppression. That is why, as the Taoiseach, Micheál Martin, put it when addressing the O'Connell 250 Symposium in Trinity College Dublin on Tuesday last, The Bar of Ireland has always been rightly proud of the fact that O'Connell was such a distinguished member of the Bar. Two hundred years later, the existence of a fearless independent Bar, practising advocacy and giving legal advice to the highest professional standards, remains an essential guarantee of the rule of law and the protection of individual rights. The many, often insidious, efforts that exist, whether prompted by powerful commercial, bureaucratic or political interests, to degrade or diminish the Bar are always, above all else, an attack on the rights of citizens and on the rule of law. O'Connell's performance in The King v. John Magee exemplifies the best traditions of forensic advocacy at The Bar of Ireland. Faced with a corrupt system, a biased tribunal, and impossible odds, he refused to bow his head or moderate his principles. Instead, he turned the forms and processes of an unjust and oppressive system against itself, using a political prosecution against dissenting speech as the means to condemn the oppressor and amplify the dissent. In an age when legal systems worldwide face challenges to their integrity and especially to the independence of barristers and advocates, O'Connell's example reminds us that the law's highest purpose is not merely to maintain order, but to secure justice. His defence of John Magee shows the difference a single barrister, armed with skill, courage, and unwavering principle, can make. Seán Guerin SC. Picture: Conor McCabe Photography. Seán Guerin SC is Chair of the Council of The Bar of Ireland