
Could a rebellion in eastern Congo widen into a regional war?
The M23 rebels' capture of the city of Goma last month and their reported advance on another provincial capital have drawn in concerned countries from east and southern Africa. A joint meeting of leaders from those regions over the weekend offered no strong proposals for ending the fighting beyond urging talks and an immediate cease-fire. Notably, they didn't call for the rebels to withdraw from Goma. At the summit's conclusion, Congo issued a statement welcoming its foundations for a collective approach to securing peace. But there are concerns that long-shifting alliances in the region also could lead to a collective collapse.
Asking neighbors for help, Congolese President Felix Tshisekedi had sought the help of allies in the region and beyond when the M23 rebels resurfaced at the end of 2021. Troops from Burundi, with its own tense relations with Rwanda, were sent to fight alongside Congolese forces. Troops from Tanzania, which hosted the weekend summit, were deployed in Congo under the banner of a regional bloc. And Uganda, on poor terms with Rwanda, had already deployed hundreds of troops to fight a different rebel group in eastern Congo.
'For Congolese President Felix Tshisekedi, it was like juggling a polygamous marriage as he maneuvered to protect his vast country's territorial integrity,' said Murithi Mutiga, Africa director at the International Crisis Group. 'Rwanda felt excluded while Burundi and Uganda were welcome in eastern Congo,' Mutiga said. 'Rwanda decided to assert itself.'
A surge in fighting. Congolese authorities see the M23 rebels as a Rwandan proxy army driven to illegally exploit eastern Congo's vast mineral resources, whose value is estimated in the trillions of dollars. The rebels are backed by some 4,000 troops from Rwanda, according to evidence collected by UN experts.
The M23 rebellion stems partly from Rwanda's decades-long concern that other rebels–ethnic Hutus opposed to Rwanda's government and accused of participating in Rwanda's 1994 genocide–have been allowed to operate in largely lawless parts of eastern Congo. Rwanda's longtime President Paul Kagame accuses Tshisekedi of overlooking the concerns of Congo's ethnic Tutsis after hundreds of thousands of Tutsis were killed in the genocide. The M23's ranks contain many Congolese Tutsis.
The rebels' next big target is Bukavu, capital of South Kivu province, and they have vowed to go all the way to Kinshasa, Congo's capital, some 1,600 kilometers (1,000 miles) away.
Risk of more armed actors. Eastern Congo in recent decades has been the setting for a conflict that has caused the highest death toll since World War II. Its last major regional upheaval broke out in 1998 as Congo's then-President Laurent Kabila invited forces from countries including Zimbabwe and Angola to protect him from Rwanda-backed rebels who sought to overthrow him. Uganda and Rwanda, which had helped Kabila seize power by force the previous year before feeling alienated by him, fought mostly on the same side.
Now analysts say both Rwanda and Uganda are key again. 'The risk of regional escalation this time is big, especially with both Kagame and Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni still eager for influence in eastern Congo,' said Godber Tumushabe, an analyst with the Kampala-based Great Lakes Institute for Strategic Studies think tank. 'Both leaders are crucial to any effort to stop the fighting,' Tumushabe said. 'They will not allow a settlement that doesn't look after their interests in eastern Congo.' But they have their own friction as Rwanda suspects Uganda of backing yet another group of rebels opposed to Kagame.
Burundi is also heavily involved. A year ago, Burundi closed border crossings with Rwanda and severed diplomatic ties over allegations that Rwanda's government was supporting rebels in eastern Congo who oppose Burundian President Evariste Ndayishimiye. By then Burundian troops were deployed there to fight alongside Congolese troops. Ndayishimiye has accused Kagame of reckless warmongering. He told a gathering of diplomats in Bujumbura last month that 'if Rwanda continues to conquer the territory of another country, I know well that it will even arrive in Burundi.' He warned that the war will take a regional dimension.
Efforts at peace. 'With Rwanda and Congo each drawing a line in the sand, diplomacy faces a great challenge,' said Mutiga with the International Crisis Group.
Efforts at peace have largely sputtered, including the yearslong presence of a UN peacekeeping force in eastern Congo that has been under Congolese government pressure to leave. Other fighters on the ground have included mercenaries for Congo, including many Romanians, and troops from the southern Africa regional bloc that Rwanda's president has alleged–without providing evidence–are not peacekeepers but collaborators with Congo's army.
Congo's president has refused to engage with the M23. And he did not attend the weekend summit in Tanzania, instead monitoring it virtually. At its conclusion, his government welcomed the collective effort to stop the fighting but disputed Rwanda's attempted explanation for M23's resurgence. 'The current crisis is above all an attack on (Congo's) sovereignty and security and not an ethnic question,' Congo's statement said.
The next steps in trying to resolve the conflict are unclear.
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Arab News
3 hours ago
- Arab News
Israeli forces push into parts of a central Gaza city that the war had largely spared
DEIR AL-BALAH, Gaza Strip: Israeli ground troops for the first time Monday pushed into areas of a central Gaza city where several aid groups are based, in what appeared to be the latest effort to carve up the Palestinian territory with military corridors. Deir Al-Balah is the only Gaza city that has not seen major ground operations or suffered widespread devastation in 21 months of war, leading to speculation that the Hamas militant group holds large numbers of hostages there. The main group representing hostages' families said it was 'shocked and alarmed' by the incursion and demanded answers from Israeli leaders. Israel says the seizure of territory in Gaza is aimed at pressuring Hamas to release hostages, but it is a major point of contention in ongoing ceasefire talks. The UN food agency, meanwhile, accused Israeli forces of firing on a crowd of Palestinians seeking humanitarian aid over the weekend. Gaza's Health Ministry called it one of the deadliest attacks on aid-seekers in the war that has driven the territory to the brink of famine. In the latest sign of international frustration, the United Kingdom, France and 23 other Western-aligned countries issued a statement saying 'the war in Gaza must end now.' They harshly criticized Israel's restrictions on humanitarian aid and called for the release of the 50 hostages remaining in Gaza. Evacuation orders dropped at dawn Associated Press reporters heard explosions and saw smoke rising from parts of the city that were ordered evacuated on Sunday. The Israeli military official, speaking on condition of anonymity in line with regulations, said it was the first time ground troops had operated in the area. A man living in the evacuation zone, who spoke on condition of anonymity for fear of retribution, said Israel dropped pamphlets at dawn ordering people to evacuate. Two hours later, tanks rolled into the area. He said his 62-year-old father, who had spent the night elsewhere, fled from house to house as Israeli forces moved in and saw them flattening structures with bulldozers and tanks. Both men managed to leave the evacuation zone. United Nations spokesperson Stephane Dujarric said two UN guesthouses in Deir Al-Balah were damaged by shrapnel. He said the cause was still being investigated but that heavy Israeli airstrikes had been reported in the area. Local and international staff will continue to work there, he said. The military declined to say if it had ordered the evacuation of aid groups based in the city, saying only that it maintains continuous contact with them and facilitates their relocation when necessary. UN says nearly 90 percent of Gaza is now off limits Tens of thousands of people have sought refuge in Deir Al-Balah during repeated waves of mass displacement in Gaza. The UN humanitarian coordinator says 87.8 percent of Gaza is now under evacuation orders or inside Israeli military zones, 'leaving 2.1 million civilians squeezed into a fragmented 12 percent of the Strip, where essential services have collapsed.' Israel has taken over large areas of Gaza and split the territory with corridors stretching from the border to the sea as it seeks to pressure Hamas to release more hostages. In response to the Deir Al-Balah incursion, the Hostages and Missing Families Forum warned in its statement that 'the people of Israel will not forgive anyone who knowingly endangered the hostages — both the living and the deceased. No one will be able to claim they didn't know what was at stake.' Hamas-led militants abducted 251 people in the Oct. 7, 2023, attack that triggered the war and killed around 1,200 people. Fewer than half of the 50 hostages still in Gaza are believed to be alive. Israel blames the deaths of Palestinian civilians on Hamas because the militants operate in densely populated areas, and it accuses the group of prolonging the war because Hamas has not accepted Israel's terms for a ceasefire. Rare condemnation from UN food agency The World Food Program, in a rare condemnation, said the crowd surrounding its convoy in northern Gaza on Sunday 'came under fire from Israeli tanks, snipers and other gunfire.' It said 'countless lives' were lost. A photographer working with the AP counted 51 bodies at two hospitals. The Gaza Health Ministry said at least 80 people were killed. Israel's military said it fired warning shots 'to remove an immediate threat' and questioned the death toll reported by the Palestinians. It declined to comment on the WFP statement. Hundreds of people have been killed while seeking food in recent weeks, both from UN convoys and separate aid sites run by an Israeli-backed group that has been mired in controversy. The Palestinian death toll from the war has climbed to more than 59,000, according to Gaza's Health Ministry. Its count does not distinguish between militants and civilians, but the ministry says more than half of the dead are women and children. The ministry is part of the Hamas government, but the UN and other international organizations see it as the most reliable source of data on casualties. Israel detains Gaza Health Ministry spokesperson Gaza health officials said at least 18 people, including three women and five children, were killed in Israeli strikes overnight and into Monday. The Israeli military had no immediate comment. At least three people were killed when crowds of Palestinians waiting for aid trucks were shot at in the area of the Netzarim corridor in central Gaza, according to two hospitals that received the bodies. The Gaza Health Ministry said Israeli forces detained Dr. Marwan Al-Hams, acting director of the strip's field hospitals and the ministry's spokesman. Israeli troops killed a local journalist, Tamer Al-Zaanein, who was accompanying Al-Hams, and wounded two other people when they detained him near a Red Cross field hospital in southern Gaza, according to the Health Ministry and the journalist's family. The International Committee of the Red Cross declined to provide details but said it was 'very concerned' about safety and security around the hospital 'and the impact this can have on patients and staff.' The Israeli military had no immediate comment. Israel again strikes rebel-held port in Yemen The fighting in Gaza has triggered conflicts elsewhere in region, including between Israel and the Iranian-backed Houthi rebels in Yemen, who have fired missiles and drones at Israel in what they say is in solidarity with Palestinians. The Israeli military said it struck the Hodeidah port in Yemen early Monday. Israel has struck the port before, including two weeks ago, accusing the Houthis of using it to import arms from Iran. Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz said the targets included areas of the port that Israel had destroyed in previous strikes. 'The Houthis will pay heavy prices for launching missiles toward the state of Israel,' Katz said.


Arab News
3 hours ago
- Arab News
Why Lebanon's fragile state hinges on Hezbollah's next move
BEIRUT: As pressure intensifies on Lebanon's new government to resolve the question of Hezbollah's arms, it confronts a fundamental challenge: Can the Iran-backed group relinquish its military wing and become a purely political party? And if it does, will Lebanon's state institutions and political culture prove capable of supporting such a transition? Earlier this month, Tom Barrack, the US ambassador to Turkiye and special envoy for Syria, telegraphed Washington's growing impatience with the status quo in Lebanon in remarks to journalists following his visit to Beirut. He described Hezbollah's disarmament as an essential condition for the renewal of international financial aid and long-term political stability in Lebanon. As part of a proposal presented to Lebanese officials, the US offered support for Lebanon's economic reform efforts in exchange for Hezbollah's complete disarmament, Israeli withdrawal from Lebanese territory, and the release of Lebanese detainees held by Israel. 'If Lebanon doesn't hurry up and get in line, everyone around them will,' Barrack said. He acknowledged what he described as a 'spectacular' response from Beirut in a short time, but criticized the Lebanese political system's ingrained culture of 'delay, detour, and deflect,' saying time was running out for the country to adapt to a fast-changing regional order. But disarming Hezbollah is far from straightforward. Despite suffering significant losses last year during its war with Israel, including the death of longtime leader Hassan Nasrallah and the destruction of much of its military infrastructure, Hezbollah has shown no willingness to give up its arms. The group's new leader, Sheikh Naim Qassem, reiterated that stance in a video address on July 19. 'We will not surrender or give up to Israel; Israel will not take our weapons away from us,' he said. According to him, any disarmament would be discussed only as part of a national defense strategy determined internally by Lebanon, and only after a complete Israeli withdrawal from Lebanese territory. That position is tied to continued Israeli airstrikes, including recent attacks in the south that killed two individuals on July 20, as per local media reports. Hezbollah cites these violations, along with Israel's continued occupation of five positions seized after the November 2024 ceasefire, as justification for retaining its arms. Although the group claims to have handed over 190 of its 265 southern military positions to the Lebanese army, it continues to maintain a significant arsenal in the region and in other strongholds. Hezbollah emerged as Lebanon's most powerful military force and dominant political actor in the post-civil war era, representing a significant portion of the Shiite population alongside the Amal party. Together, the two groups hold all the 27 Shiite seats in the 128-member parliament. Analysts say that Hezbollah's ideological foundation has long rested on armed resistance, so shifting toward civilian politics would require not only strategic recalculation but also a new political message capable of sustaining its popular base. 'For decades, the party has emphasized armed resistance against Israel as central to its appeal,' said David Wood, senior analyst on Lebanon at the International Crisis Group (ICG). 'If Hezbollah wants to transition into a normal political party, it will need to craft another electoral narrative based around how it can improve the socio-economic fortunes of its constituents.' Such a transformation is not without precedent. Other armed movements in the region, such as the Palestinian Fatah in earlier decades, have evolved into political organizations. However, the Lebanese context is unique in many ways. Years of economic collapse, institutional paralysis and political gridlock have left the state too weak to assert its authority. The November 2024 ceasefire, brokered by the US and France, was intended to revive the terms of UN Resolution 1701, which calls for Israeli withdrawal from all Lebanese territory, a halt to Hezbollah's military operations near the southern border, and full control of arms by the Lebanese state. But little progress has been made. Bilal Saab, associate fellow in the Middle East and North Africa Program at Chatham House, expressed doubt over Hezbollah's ability to function effectively as a conventional political party. He pointed to signs of waning support in southern Lebanon and other Hezbollah strongholds. The group's military losses, the destruction of southern villages, and the economic suffering in Hezbollah-controlled areas are undermining its grassroots support, Saab told Arab News. 'It is therefore unclear whether an unarmed Hezbollah could compete effectively in free elections, within Lebanon's complex political system.' He said the obstacles ahead of the government are political willingness and 'exaggerated' fears of sectarian violence. The new leaders, he said, 'must recognize that the chances of sectarian tensions are higher with the status quo unchanged.' According to Saab, lack of serious action to address the issue of Hezbollah's arms would prompt Israel to continue its attacks and cause more damage and human casualties. 'If that happens, war-weary and economically dispossessed Lebanese could blame Hezbollah for causing even more death and destruction. This would in turn increase the risk of sectarian violence and people taking up arms against Hezbollah and its supporters,' he said. For Lebanon's new leadership under President Joseph Aoun and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam, the challenge is to preserve national stability while dealing with an increasingly polarized domestic landscape and pressure from powerful external actors. Though both leaders have reiterated their commitment to imposing a state monopoly on arms, they have insisted that any progress depends on Israel's complete withdrawal from Lebanese territory and an end to violations of Lebanese sovereignty. While Barrack's proposal received praise for its ambition, its feasibility depends on wider geopolitical considerations. Paul Salem, senior fellow at the Middle East Institute, believes that Iran, Hezbollah's principal backer, will have the final say. 'The key decision of disarming Hezbollah would have to be made in Iran, the group's main backer, not in Lebanon,' he told Arab News. 'For the time being, it is clear that Tehran is encouraging Hezbollah to drag its feet and not to hand over all its arms and I think that will remain the case.' Salem emphasized the need for a coordinated domestic and international effort to encourage Hezbollah's transition into a political entity. This, he said, would require guarantees from the US, a defined role for the LAF, and political assurances from the Arab Gulf states. 'Hezbollah, at a minimum, would need assurances about Israel's withdrawal and protection of its operatives in Lebanon, which would have to come from the US, as well reassurances from Gulf countries of aid for reconstruction of the war-ravaged areas,' Salem said. 'They would want some of that money to come through their auspices so they could benefit politically.' The World Bank has estimated the cost of Lebanon's reconstruction at $11 billion. US and Gulf officials have indicated that significant portions of that aid will only be unlocked if Hezbollah agrees to disarm. The issue of integrating Hezbollah supporters into Lebanon's broader political and economic fabric is also paramount. Wood emphasized that the process of disarming Hezbollah should come with assurances that the Shiite community would remain part of the nation-building process in a country long paralyzed by factional politics. 'Lebanon's leaders must think very carefully about how to fully integrate Hezbollah's supporters into the country's future, or else they risk creating dangerous fissures in Lebanese society,' the ICG's Wood said. Despite mounting pressure, few expect a quick resolution. Reports suggest Hezbollah is conducting a strategic review of its military posture, exploring possible scenarios but delaying concrete action. 'Hezbollah is taking a 'wait and see' approach for now,' Wood said. 'Perhaps it wants to know if regional circumstances might improve for it before seriously entertaining the idea of surrendering its military wing.' Meanwhile, the Lebanese army has consolidated control over Rafik Hariri International Airport and large parts of the south, improving state authority and border security. A successful disarmament, officials argue, would boost the credibility of Lebanon's institutions and the case for the state's monopoly on force. The Middle East Institute's Salem cautioned that Hezbollah is unlikely to fully relinquish its arms without assurances that go beyond Lebanese borders. If anything, he said, the disarmament would reduce sectarian tensions 'with the Sunnis, Christians, Druze and other communities that have been afraid of Hezbollah's arms.' The potential rewards for Lebanon are clearly substantial. Hezbollah's disarmament would enable Lebanon to form new alliances with regional and global partners. The disarmament process could also unlock vital economic assistance, helping the country recover from years of political paralysis, financial crisis and social unrest. However, Lebanon's leadership remains caught between the demands of the international community and the compulsions of domestic sectarian politics. For now, a delicate balance holds. But as pressure builds, time may be running out for Lebanon's politicians to chart the country's future — before others do it for them.


Arab News
5 hours ago
- Arab News
UN chief warns development goals will fail if wars continue to rage, condemns killings in Gaza
NEW YORK: UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Monday condemned Israel's killing of civilians seeking humanitarian aid in Gaza over the weekend, calling it 'an atrocious and inhumane act,' and demanded an immediate ceasefire along with the release of the Israeli hostages held by Hamas and unimpeded aid access to the starving enclave. 'These were people seeking UN assistance for their families,' Guterres said in remarks opening the High-Level Political Forum in New York. 'We need an immediate ceasefire in Gaza, the immediate release of all hostages, and full humanitarian access as a first step toward achieving a two-state solution,' he added. Guterres also called for the fragile ceasefire between Iran and Israel to hold and reiterated his call for a just and lasting peace in Ukraine, rooted in the UN Charter, international law, and UN resolutions. He urged an end to the conflict in Sudan and pointed to continued violence in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Somalia, the Sahel and Myanmar, warning that war and instability are 'pushing the Sustainable Development Goals further out of reach.' The secretary-general linked these conflicts directly to the core development agenda, stressing that 'sustainable peace requires sustainable development.' He warned that the world is far off track to meet the SDGs by 2030 and said the erosion of peace and rising geopolitical tensions are among the biggest threats to that progress. The UN chief's address came at a time of growing frustration among developing nations and civil society groups over the lack of progress toward the SDGs, a set of 17 global targets adopted in 2015 to end poverty, protect the planet, and promote peace and prosperity by 2030. While the world has seen gains, such as increased access to electricity, internet, and education, only 35 percent of SDG targets are on track or making moderate progress, according to UN data. Nearly half are moving too slowly, and 18 percent are regressing. 'We cannot sugarcoat these facts,' Guterres said. 'But we must not surrender to them either.' He linked peace and development, arguing that sustainable peace is impossible without sustainable development. Despite multiple setbacks, Guterres pointed to recent multilateral breakthroughs as evidence that international cooperation can still deliver results. He cited three key achievements: the adoption of a Pandemic Agreement in Geneva aimed at building a fairer global health system; new ocean protection commitments made in Nice to fight pollution and illegal fishing; and the so-called Seville Commitment, a financial pact aimed at expanding fiscal space for developing countries, improving access to capital, and reforming the global financial architecture. 'This shows that transformation is not only necessary — it is possible,' he said. The HLPF, held annually at UN headquarters, is the central platform for reviewing progress toward the SDGs. This year's forum spotlights five interconnected goals: health, gender equality, decent work, marine ecosystems, and global partnerships. On health, Guterres urged governments to invest in universal care and prevention, particularly for the most vulnerable. On gender equality, he acknowledged persistent barriers but noted growing grassroots momentum, and called for real financing, accountability, and rights-based policies to drive systemic change. On decent work, he warned that over 2 billion people remain in informal employment and youth joblessness is high. But he cited the UN's Global Accelerator initiative as helping countries create jobs and expand social protections, especially in green industries. Guterres also emphasized the need to reform the global financial system, which he said no longer reflects current geopolitical or economic realities. The Seville Commitment, he said, sets out concrete steps: strengthening domestic resource mobilization through tax reform, improving debt relief frameworks, and tripling the lending capacity of multilateral development banks. Guterres urged greater investment in science, data, and digital tools, including artificial intelligence, as well as deeper partnerships with civil society, the private sector, and local governments. With five years remaining to meet the 2030 deadline, he called on nations to transform 'sparks of progress into a blaze of transformation,' saying: 'Let's deliver on development — for people and for the planet.'