Actions speak louder than words

Bangkok Post

26-07-2025

Actions speak louder than words
The ruling Pheu Thai Party and the main opposition People's Party (PP) have found themselves idle targets of critics for singing the same tune in the aftermath of the June 28 mass rally in central Bangkok.
Both were accused of throwing caution to the wind after suggesting the rally at the Victory Monument -- which sought suspended Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra's resignation over her leaked phone conversation with Cambodian Senate President Hun Sen -- could spark a military revolt.
In what Ms Paetongtarn described as a private conversation, she was heard pleading with Hun Sen to help her out as she was under immense public pressure for appearing to cave in to Cambodia in the intensifying border conflict.
The premier came across as being subservient to the Cambodian strongman and went so far as to offer to do what she could in return for Hun Sen's help.
The manner and substance of the phone call triggered public uproar, with Ms Paetongtarn being branded by opponents as unpatriotic and a traitor.
Collective anger drove tens of thousands to flock to the Victory Monument, one of the city's busiest transit interchanges, in a mass demonstration organised by the so-called United Power of the Land to Protect Sovereignty group on June 28.
Rally speakers, several of whom were well-known co-leaders of past mass protests under banners such as the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) and the People's Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC), took turns attacking Ms Paetongtarn's ineptitude and inadequacy as premier.
The next day, Pheu Thai and PP politicians separately chastised some protest leaders for speaking agreeably about a military coup being staged in the event of political deadlock.
Opposition and PP leader Natthaphong Ruengpanyawut expressed concern about the rally, fearing the protests could be used as a pretext for a coup.
Mr Natthaphong said he believed the demonstrators were acting in good faith, driven by a desire to see a change of prime minister.
He went on to say that there were various legitimate ways to bring about such change, including the prime minister's resignation, impeachment through parliamentary procedures, or the prime minister dissolving the House and calling an election. However, he also noted the risk of change occurring through undemocratic means, such as a coup d'état.
"Even if the protesters are acting sincerely, it is concerning that certain protest leaders may exploit the situation to advocate for extra-constitutional measures.
"Many of the current protest leaders are familiar faces who have previously opposed elected governments and played roles in past coups," the PP leader said.
He pointed out that although no direct call for a coup was made from the protest stage, the speakers also failed to explicitly reject the possibility. The opposition leader is believed to have referred specifically to one speaker, Sondhi Limthongkul, who is a former leader of the now-defunct PAD.
"Some rhetoric leaves the door open to the idea -- suggesting that if a coup were to occur, they would simply prefer that the new prime minister not be from the military. That ambiguity raises red flags," he said.
However, Mr Natthaphong's comments were immediately shot down by Somchai Srisutthiyakorn, a former election commissioner, in a critical post on his Facebook page "Pun Pai Nai – Somchai Srisutthiyakorn".
He warned that while political actors publicly denounce coups, they themselves must also actively engage in democratic processes to resolve national issues, instead of allowing protests to spiral into movements that invite military intervention.
"The [June 28] protest ignited like a wildfire," Mr Somchai wrote, "and it's been condemned by both Pheu Thai and the PP as a veiled invitation for a coup, particularly following remarks made by Mr Sondhi on stage."
Mr Somchai praised the public's stance against coups, pointing out that the nine years following the last one proved that military intervention failed to take care of the country's issues.
However, the former poll commissioner hit out at parties that denounce coups while neglecting to take real action through democratic means.
Back in March, the opposition parties filed a no-confidence motion against the premier for dishonesty over tax evasion allegations involving PN (promissory notes) worth more than 200 million baht, allegedly used within her family without a repayment date or interest.
Despite losing the no-confidence vote, Mr Somchai noted, the opposition (specifically, the PP) failed to follow up by petitioning the National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC) or the Constitutional Court to assess Ms Paetongtarn's eligibility to hold office.
Also, following the leaked audio clip with Hun Sen -- where she referred to the 2nd Army Region commander in charge of the Thai-Cambodian border as an "opponent" -- Mr Somchai said the proper response would have been for Ms Paetongtarn to resign. Yet, she remained in office, he added.
Following Bhumjaithai's withdrawal from the coalition, criticism mounted over Ms Paetongtarn's conduct during the cabinet reshuffle process. Despite this, the coalition parties chose not to withdraw from the government.
When Bhumjaithai, which is now in the opposition, attempted to initiate a fresh no-confidence motion, it failed because it did not have the 99 MP signatures required to do so.
Mr Somchai faulted the PP for not supporting the motion, citing their excuse that such motions shouldn't be filed too frequently.
"If you don't want people to take to the streets and risk inviting a coup, political actors must show true commitment to democratic solutions rather than rely on empty slogans or collusion.
"You can't just repeat the same lines about dissolving parliament or do you want people to believe in the existence of the 'Hong Kong Declaration'," Mr Somchai said.
The "Hong Kong Declaration" has to do with alleged political deals or secret meetings that supposedly took place in Hong Kong involving former premier Thaksin Shinawatra, who is thought to wield tremendous power in Pheu Thai, and political figures reportedly including Progressive Movement leader Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit, founder of the Future Forward Party, a precursor of the PP. The meetings are believed to have shaped the formation of the current government, according to sources.
A battle for survival
Former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra has been making increasingly frequent media appearances, with the most notable being "Unlocking Thailand's Future", hosted by veteran news commentator Veera Teerapat.
Veera confronted Thaksin with a question about the "secret deal" widely believed to have enabled him to return to Thailand after 17 years of self-imposed exile. The question appeared to touch a raw nerve, with Thaksin appearing stunned for a moment before replying that there was "no political deal whatsoever with anyone".
Thaksin, generally considered the de facto leader of the ruling Pheu Thai Party, returned from self-imposed exile on Aug 22, 2023.
That same day, the Supreme Court sentenced him to eight years in prison -- three years in total from two cases and a further five years in a third case. The sentence was later reduced to one year following royal clemency.
Thaksin has been actively engaged in politics after his one-year jail term ended.
Olarn Thinbangtieo, a political science lecturer at Burapha University, said Thaksin spoke as truthfully as he could in the interview with Veera except over the secret deal, which, according to several observers, will remain a myth.
Thaksin's message, despite being cornered by the host, is that a future alliance between Pheu Thai and Bhumjaithai looks increasingly unlikely, even after the next general election, said Mr Olarn.
Following Bhumjaithai's exit from the Pheu Thai-led coalition, the political rivalry between the two parties will intensify with both sides trying to present themselves as a strong force to challenge the progressive People's Party (PP).
According to Mr Olarn, Thaksin sees himself as indispensable to Thai politics and is signalling that both he and Pheu Thai are better suited to working with the conservative camp than Bhumjaithai.
Bhuimjaithai currently faces legal troubles relating to alleged vote-rigging in the Senate polls, and the party could be dissolved if found guilty. For this reason, the conservative bloc had better stick with Pheu Thai as it has already proven it can work without Bhumjaithai, dubbed the "blue" party, according to the analyst.
The blue party is under intense pressure as several senior members have been implicated in the Senate election scandal. More than 100 senators are suspected of having ties with Bhumjaithai and are called the blue faction within the Upper House.
According to Election Commission (EC) chairman Ittiporn Boonpracong, a subcommittee has completed a probe and submitted its findings to the EC for review, with the EC secretary general to provide opinions to the EC.
The review process takes 60 days before it is deliberated by a subcommittee on disputes and arguments, which can take up to 90 days. A final decision by the EC could take as long as nine months.
However, Thaksin and his daughter, suspended Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra, have their own legal troubles to overcome.
Thaksin has two cases: one involves his prolonged stay at the Police General Hospital (PGH) until his parole, in what is seen as a ruse to avoid serving prison time, and the other is a lese majeste case for remarks he made during a 2015 interview with South Korean media while in self-imposed exile.
The PGH case is under review by the Supreme Court's Criminal Division for Holders of Political Positions, while the lese majeste case is scheduled for a ruling on Aug 22, the second anniversary of his return.
Ms Paetongtarn, meanwhile, faces a Constitutional Court decision related to the leaked conversation with Cambodian Senate President Hun Sen, which could determine whether she has violated political ethics. A ruling is expected by mid-August.
The fate of both father and daughter will be known by the end of August at the latest, according to observers.
Mr Olarn said both Pheu Thai and Bhumjaithai are competing fiercely for the support of the conservative bloc, and they believe they are in a better position to serve conservative interests.
Pheu Thai is aggressively pushing for Bhumjaithai's dissolution, hoping to welcome many of its MPs to boost its chances in an election. However, the future looks grim, especially for Ms Paetongtarn, even if she resigns before the Constitutional Court rules on the leaked phone call case.
Legal experts believe she still faces the strong possibility of an extended, if not a lifetime, political ban stemming from several criminal complaints currently lodged with the National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC) and the Criminal Court. These include cases involving illegal land encroachment in Khao Yai, irregularities related to the Alpine golf course, and the questionable use of promissory notes for share transfers. Any of these could result in a five-year to 10-year, or even lifetime ban from politics.
Should Thaksin be sent back to prison and Ms Paetongtarn be banned from politics, Pheu Thai could collapse entirely. In such a scenario, many of its MPs could defect to Bhumjaithai since both parties rely on political family networks for support, according to Mr Olarn.
"All of this now rests in the hands of the conservative bloc. It depends on which party they choose to trust more -- Pheu Thai or Bhumjaithai," Mr Olarn said.