
Born Free: Too many commissions, not enough justice – with Amahle-Imvelo 'Jaxa' Jaxx
Born Free
: Khumo Kumalo is joined by digital strategist Amahle-Imvelo 'Jaxx' Jaxa for a sharp dive into the crossroads of digital media, democracy, and South African politics. As President Ramaphosa announces a new commission of enquiry, we ask: reform or political smokescreen?
We also confront the erasure of liberation history — what does it mean for the 'Born Free' generation to grow up disconnected from the truths of our past?
From digital activism to generational memory, this episode challenges the narratives shaping our democracy.
#BornFreePodcast #KhumoKumalo #AmahleJaxa #SouthAfricaPolitics #DigitalMedia #Ramaphosa #DemocracyInSA #BornFreeGeneration #YouthVoices #SAHistory #CommissionOfEnquiry #PoliticalAccountability #LiberationStruggle #UnfilteredVoices #SouthAfricaToday
Khumo Kumalo
is the visionary behind
Misunderstood
and the dynamic co-host of
Born Free
. Named one of the
Mail & Guardian's Top 200 Young South Africans of 2024
, he is a bold voice in the country's evolving political discourse.
As the author of
Newsletter
94
(formerly Misunderstood), Kumalo delves into South Africa's complex history and shifting political landscape, reflecting on the dreams and realities of a post-apartheid nation. His passion for debate and current affairs was ignited at
St John's College
, later taking him to
Morehouse College in Atlanta, Georgia
, where he continued to sharpen his perspective on leadership and social change.
Kumalo isn't just asking questions—he's challenging narratives, sparking conversations, and pushing South Africa's youth to rethink what it truly means to be
Born Free
.
Otsile Nkadimeng
is a
published author, policy writer, and changemaker
, balancing his role as a
second-year university student
with a deep commitment to youth empowerment. Recognized by
News24
for his impact and awarded the
Young Nelson Mandela Award in 2023
, he is shaping conversations on democracy, governance, and sustainability.
As the
Executive Director of SoWeVote
, a platform he co-founded, Nkadimeng is making it easier for young South Africans to access critical information about politics and democracy. His advocacy extends beyond borders—he serves as a
Youth Advisor to the Embassy of Sweden in Pretoria
and is a
fellow at the International Youth Think Tank
, where he contributes to global youth policy discussions.
Passionate about sustainability, he has co-founded and led multiple initiatives aimed at environmental and social progress across South Africa. Whether in civic engagement, international diplomacy, or grassroots activism, Nkadimeng is at the forefront of youth-led change, proving that young voices aren't just part of the conversation—they're leading it.
Disclaimer:
'Born Free'
is an opinion-based podcast and does not represent the views of M&G Media (PTY) LTD, its owners, affiliates, employees, or partners. The opinions expressed by the hosts and guests are their own and do not reflect the editorial stance of the Mail & Guardian.
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Mail & Guardian
6 hours ago
- Mail & Guardian
Kenny Kunene steps away from Joburg and PA roles
Suspended Patriotic Allianc deputy president Kenny Kunene. (X) Suspended Patriotic Alliance (PA) deputy president Kenny Kunene has resigned from his roles in the City of Johannesburg. His resignation follows his official suspension from the PA pending an investigation into his relationship with murder-accused Katiso 'TK' Molefe, who was this week arrested for allegedly orchestrating Oupa Sefoka (DJ Sumbody's) murder in 2022. Kunene has agreed to 'cooperate with an investigation' and will step aside from his political role in the Patriotic Alliance until he is cleared of the allegations. He will also not act and work in any official capacity in the party while on suspension, its leader Gayton McKenzie said in a statement. Kunene tendered his resignation as Proportional Representation Councillor and transport MMC in the city of Johannesburg with immediate effect. 'I am stepping aside from public life, for a period, while my party satisfies itself to certain allegations that have been raised against me, which are unfounded, but I have nevertheless agreed it would be in the public interest for me to await the clearing of my name before considering a return to public service and duty,' Kunene said in a statement. This week, Kunene, who also owns the online publication African News Global, said the purpose of his visit to Molefe's property was to facilitate an exclusive interview on various topics for one of his journalists. He added that he only knew Molefe from a distance. Molefe was arrested for allegedly orchestrating DJ Sumbody's murder in 2022, and he was also on R100 000 bail for another murder case at the time of his arrest. The Democratic Alliance, which has been critical of the Patriotic Alliance following these recent revelations, said it notes Kunene's resignation, but demands investigations into the projects that Kunene was overseeing. These include a full investigation into all contracts and procurement processes at the Johannesburg Roads Agency (JRA), a full investigation into the contractors and procurement of the Lilian Ngoyi street repairs and a full investigation into contracts, appointments and procurement processes at the Metropolitan Trading Company (MTC). 'Should the executive mayor fail to respond to the DA within seven days, the DA will use all avenues at our disposal, including approaching law enforcement with the information available to us, to hold the executive mayor as shareholder representative himself responsible for the alleged irregularities at JRA and MTC,' the party's Johannesburg caucus leader Belinda Kayser-Echeozonjoku said in a statement.


Mail & Guardian
7 hours ago
- Mail & Guardian
Rwanda's security forays buck the trend
Kigali's bilateral agreements with Maputo and Bangui are underpinned by mining ventures. Photo: Simon Wohlfahrt/AFP Amid mounting criticism of United Nations peacekeeping missions and Western military involvement, many African governments have sought alternative security partners — private military companies, local militias and several regional partnerships such as the Alliance of Sahel States and Multinational Joint Task Force around the Lake Chad Basin. In the eyes of many scholars and practitioners, these partnerships challenge long-standing normative preferences for multilateral and regional institutions, namely the African Union and its regional economic communities. These institutions have long been lauded for their mandates to preserve the sovereignty of cooperating states and develop collective legitimacy in African governance. In practice, however, consensus-building has frequently led to slow deployment timelines and gross operational inefficiencies on the ground. While operational successes under multilateral institutions do exist, they are more often exceptions and are vastly outpaced by the decisive responses demanded by Africa's security crises. Against this backdrop, Rwanda's recent forays into bilateral security agreements mark a significant departure from Africa's status quo. Kigali's deployments to the Central African Republic (CAR) in 2020 and Mozambique in 2021 challenge both conventional norms and institutional habits. The relative success of these deployments, especially in contrast with their multilateral equivalents, raises a fundamental question of African security cooperation. As more states pivot toward bilateral partnerships, is it time to recalibrate Africa's security architecture? If so, what normative and legal frameworks must accompany this shift to prevent entrenching patterns of dependency and personalised security politics? Once a recipient of international peacekeeping itself, Rwanda has since become a frequent contributor to peace and security operations in Africa. As a post-genocide state, it carries a unique moral authority on matters of civilian protection. Kigali has sought to amplify this influence through its vocal advocacy for the robust defence of endangered civilians, being one of three countries to co-sponsor a United Nations appeal, known as the Kigali Principles, in 2015. The country's foreign policy took a more assertive turn in late 2020, when Kigali dispatched troops to the CAR to counter an insurgent offensive against the capital. Only a few months later, in mid-2021, Rwandan troops deployed to Mozambique's Cabo Delgado province. Rwanda was engaged through a bilateral agreement and therefore free to operate outside any pre-existing multilateral mandates or rules of engagement. From the onset, Rwandan troops were engaged in offensive operations to reclaim insurgent-held territory, including the port town of Mocímboa da Praia. Subsequent campaigns saw Rwandan forces push deeper into Ahlu Sunna Wa Jama (ASWJ) strongholds, including in an eight-day campaign along the Messalo River to capture a key base in Mbau and later joining the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Mission in Mozambique (SAMIM) for a coordinated assault in Macomia. Despite its emphasis on kinetic, offensive engagements, Rwanda also placed importance on developing a rapport with the local population. This involved taking on various community activities, including static engineering projects and the delivery of healthcare services in remote villages, as well as more dynamic security measures such as accompanying at-risk smallholders to provide protective overwatch while crops were being tilled. These efforts brought troops into close proximity with local populations, who became vital sources of real-time intelligence on insurgent movements. Very few, if any, African interventions have simultaneously managed to secure territorial gains, minimise civilian casualties and sustain their engagement with local populations. (Graphic: John McCann/M&G) In contrast to the operational successes attributed to Rwandan forces, the SAMIM struggled with fragmented command structures, logistical inertia and restrictive rules of engagement. In some instances, troops were confined to their forward operating bases, which severely undermined their effectiveness and all but ruled out any possibility of battlefield gains. In a move that clearly favoured its bilateral partnership with Rwanda, Mozambique did not establish a joint command structure to enable coordination or intelligence sharing among the various security partners. Although the agreements themselves are known only to the countries' top leadership, Rwanda's commercial interests in the CAR and Mozambique hint at potential motives for its involvement. Crystal Ventures, the commercial wing of Rwanda's ruling party, has rapidly expanded its operations in the CAR and Mozambique through its subsidiary companies in recent years. Vogueroc Mining, a firm reportedly backed by Crystal Ventures, received government approval in 2022 to explore mineral licences at five sites in the CAR. In Mozambique, a joint venture between Rwanda's Isco Segurança and a local firm won a contract from TotalEnergies to secure $20 billion in LNG infrastructure. Another Crystal Ventures-linked company, Strofinare Mozambique, began exploring graphite deposits near Ancuabe in 2021, a region strategically close to Rwandan operational bases. This suggests a dual-track strategy that blends security assistance with economic diplomacy, both of which increase Rwanda's leverage with the external financiers of its deployments. While the European Union and France foot most of the bill, Mozambique pays only a small amount directly to Kigali in exchange for its security services. The deficit, it seems, is made up with commercial concessions. Rwanda is not the only African state engaging in such dual-track diplomacy, but it is quickly becoming one of the most effective. While various explanations have been offered for Rwanda's successes in the CAR and Mozambique, its interventions signify more than just operational efficiency. They coincide with a growing trend among African states to act through bilateral agreements, bypassing the AU and its regional blocs. This reflects a global shift from multilateralism to ad hoc, interest-driven solutions. These agreements have advantages but often lack the clear mandates or oversight mechanisms expected of multilateral agreements. Human rights abuses can go unchecked without such rules of engagement and legal accountability, perhaps even more than has happened under multilateral missions. In Mozambique, the SAMIM forces were credibly accused of burning insurgent remains, although the subsequent investigation is still said to be ongoing. While multilateral oversight does not guarantee accountability, by sidelining regional frameworks altogether, it is unclear where the burden of oversight resides. This greatly weakens external scrutiny, particularly as missions overrun their original timelines or mandates. Missions exceeding initial timelines also risk dependency. Mozambique's reliance on Rwandan troops has grown significantly since 2021, with little sign of a coherent exit strategy or meaningful local security capacity being developed in parallel. When foreign forces play such a central role in stabilisation missions, the host state may come to defer their governance responsibilities rather than develop them. Rwanda's role of peacekeeper, counterinsurgent and stabiliser has blurred traditional categories of external intervention in an already neglected province of Mozambique. At the risk of entrenching a model prioritising stability over sustainability, it needs to be asked whether bilateral agreements are enough to deliver security gains or if local capacity building and governance reform should also be on the agenda. A reconfiguration of Africa's security governance, where bilateral deployments and coalitions of the willing are increasingly being perceived as more capable and credible than multilateral interventions, suggests that other capable states may seek to emulate these results, especially when lucrative commercial opportunities form part of the agreement. Although Rwanda's successes in Cabo Delgado have garnered a fair amount of attention, its model may not be easily replicable. Few African militaries possess the combination of professionalism, logistical capability and reputational capital that Kigali has cultivated to market itself as a security partner. Rwanda's playbook may very well be an outlier and not a trendsetter, although the possibility of other states seeking out similar strategies cannot be ruled out. As more states consider bilateral partners, Africa could enter an era of hybrid security governance, where formal regional mechanisms coexist with bilateral agreements. These agreements will probably exist between states with capable militaries and receptive host states and carry not only the risk of fragmentation but also of entrenching personalised security politics and dependency. If hybrid security agreements are to become the new normal, Africa must urgently debate the norms, rules and red lines that will govern their use. Erika van der Merwe is a research intern with the peace and security programme at Good Governance Africa. She is pursuing a master's in international relations at the University of Cape Town, specialising in security studies.

The Herald
12 hours ago
- The Herald
Metro offers debt lifeline for accounts in arrears
Cash-strapped businesses and residents in Nelson Mandela Bay who are drowning in municipal debt have just been thrown a lifeline — a new amnesty deal that could see half their overdue bill wiped out if they settle the balance within a year. The municipality has launched a programme to write off 50% of debts on all residential and business accounts that are in arrears, offering much-needed breathing room. The application for the revenue enhancement programme opened on July 1 and will close on September 30. Debt within the last 24 months will be considered and they must pay 2.5% of their remaining balance upfront. The rest must be cleared within 12 months, in monthly instalments. Those unable to meet the payment terms within the stipulated period would no longer qualify for the amnesty, and their accounts would instead be handled through the municipality's standard credit control procedures. It is open to residential, business and registered NPOs accounts. Budget and treasury political head Khanya Ngqisha said this was not a handout, but a one-off deal designed to help residents recover. Council approved the programme in June. It does not extend to government entities, municipal employees and councillors. As of June, the government owed the metro R23.5m while metro departments owed R1m. He said some residents owed about R1 million — a situation that should never have been allowed. 'This is a lifeline, and those people must thank us because this was a political decision deliberately taken to benefit residents. 'The programme also brings relief to hundreds of small businesses, particularly in township and peri-urban areas, who form the backbone of the local economy but have been crippled by municipal debt. 'This programme is more than just a financial intervention. 'It is an opportunity to rebuild trust between the municipality and its people,' he said. The metro has set a target of reaching an 80% collection rate. In June, the rate was 72.6%, up from 69.9% in February. Debtor management and suspension of services manager Joel Swartz said the lower-value property segment was hardest hit. 'There is a slight increase in performance. However, the rate at which the debt book is increasing vs the rate at which we can increase our revenue flow is where our problem is,' he said. He said revenue collection in the municipality faced several challenges. This included a decrease in the number of ATTP re-registrations and access to municipal meters. 'Access to our meters remains a problem, as well as non-responsive customers. 'Many residents are tampering with electricity, and that has directly had an impact on the financial sustainability of the institution. 'The rapid debt increase of the debt book was also due to the punitive water tariffs, an unintended consequence of the drought period we were in, and that led to lingering debt in our books, which we have seen in unaffordable,' said Swartz. For the 2024/2025 financial year, the council opted to remove the punitive Part C water tariff after the relaxation of the drought regulations. To apply, households must submit a copy of their ID, a payslip, and three months' bank statements. Business account holders must provide a letter of authority, the ID of the authorised person handling the financial arrangement, a one-month bank statement, and their latest audited financial statements. 'It is a requirement of our credit control credit policy for specific financial information to be provided by a customer that concludes an arrangement." The Herald