
Crying in public was once seen as a strength. Why would a few perfectly rational tears cause such discomfort?
UK
chancellor of the exchequer
Rachel Reeves
's tears in the
House of Commons
, an image of another tearful woman came to mind. It was a newspaper photograph taken nearly 30 years ago outside the gates of a
Dunblane
primary school in Scotland where 16 five-year-olds and their teacher were shot dead hours earlier and it was captioned, 'a grieving parent'. The indisputably tearful woman in the black coat was not a tragic Dunblane parent. It was me.
As a journalist, it was mortifying. Reporters are supposed to remain impassive. But as a mother of small children and a human being in that moment tears seemed by far the sanest response.
So who decides what is normal or rational? With due respect to the (mostly) women rushing to declare they never cried in public and would have stayed away if unable to compose themselves, their facial expressions were never important enough to move the bond markets. Whether 'something' had happened at home and/or she felt terminally frustrated by her boss's latest U-turn, Reeves had no choice but to show up in the Commons. If she hadn't, the speculation and the bond movements would have been even more demented.
So, went the narrative, it was Reeves the crybaby versus the cold judgment of the markets. Yet such is the emotional volatility of the markets, there is a Fear and Greed index to gauge their mood swings. It was only when it was clear that Reeves was remaining in her job that they composed themselves. The point often missed was that pre-tears Reeves had already earned her reputation as a serious-minded chancellor. It clearly wasn't she who had executed the U-turns. So why would a few perfectly rational tears cause such discomfort?
READ MORE
Crying in public was once seen as a strength. It wasn't until the mid-20th century that tears were used to suggest that 'candidates for public office were not manly or stable enough' to be there, according to Tom Lutz, author of a
history of tears
. Which might explain why little boys and girls cry equally when they're young, and why men tend to cry less than women as adults – and far less than women at work.
[
Fears for tears: why do we tell boys not to cry?
Opens in new window
]
Research suggests women cry five times as often as men and on average about five times a month. Women's tear ducts are also shallower, which causes spillover and makes their crying more obvious unfortunately.
But men cry too. Winston Churchill cried copiously in mourning and celebration. Ronald Reagan, Bill Clinton, George W Bush, Barack Obama, Joe Biden all mopped their tears as presidents. Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdogan has cried publicly dozens of times. Vladimir Putin also
appeared to cry
at a 2013 concert during a band's performance of You Know, I Really Want to Live.
[
From the archive: No crying please, we're Irish
Opens in new window
]
Iron women cried. Margaret Thatcher had tears rolling down her face on at least four separate occasions. Hillary Clinton choked up in a coffee shop during the 2008 New Hampshire Democratic primary. Jacinda Ardern
teared up
in her final interview as New Zealand prime minister when asked how she felt about her portrait in parliament. 'One day, I will be finished and the only thing that will remain is that picture and how I made people feel,' she said, sounding perfectly rational and real.
The fact is that reaction to a public crying episode depends largely on what judgment people have already formed of the person doing the crying.
Anyone who interpreted Reeves's tears as a signal of female helplessness lacks basic understanding of how the sexes react to persistent undermining, provocation or incompetence. Generally speaking, men act out in anger, possibly with a profanity or a punch or getting smashed down the pub; women internalise it and weep with frustration privately, mostly in an effort not to let the side down. And it was that side, interestingly, that tended to show its anti-Reeves teeth last week. Reeves was facing the cameras after a year of titanic efforts to balance the books of the world's sixth largest economy, only to be isolated and betrayed at the last minute by her own side – and in the full public glare. Not many people, however senior in their jobs, can intuit what that actually feels like.
[
Do we like it when our political and business leaders appear human or cry in public?
Opens in new window
]
Way back in 1987 former US congresswoman Patricia Schroeder famously broke into tears while giving up her presidential bid. She was still getting hate mail about her 'breakdown' decades later, she told The New York Times. 'People used to say 'We don't want somebody's finger on the nuclear button who cries.' I would say 'Well, I don't want somebody with their finger on it who doesn't'.'
Her point is even more relevant now, in the age of blind certainty, retribution and performative cruelty. 'When I see a man cry I view it as a weakness … The last time I cried was when I was a baby,' Donald Trump told People magazine in 2015. Westminster opposition leader Kemi Badenoch, a fiercely articulate woman with a front-row view of Reeves's distress, chose to respond with malevolent gloating. If a politician lacks all compassion, empathy and decency towards their political peers, how can they be trusted to represent ordinary people?
Ordinary voters get it. Six in 10 said seeing a politician cry would make no difference to their opinion of them, and 12 per cent said it would even improve it, according to a Sunday Times poll. Just 17 per cent of voters said seeing a politician cry would make them think less of them.
The state of the world calls for more weeping, not less. That would be the sane choice.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Irish Times
8 hours ago
- Irish Times
The truth is out there: how many disgruntled ex-Tories can Nigel Farage's Reform UK swallow?
The latest Tory defector to Nigel Farage 's Reform UK party is a prolific author. Rupert Matthews, a Leicestershire police commissioner unveiled by Farage at a Westminster press conference on Monday, has written about 170 books. The most recent, published in November, was on his favourite subject: aliens. Matthews believes in UFOs. The defection of Matthews, a Tory activist and fringe politician of more than four decades, was an open goal for press apparatchiks working for Britain's Labour government. He specialises in books on ghosts, UFOs, the paranormal and cryptozoology, which includes studies of yetis and the Sasquatch . Downing Street's press office gleefully highlighted Farage's latest defector as a proponent of the 'fantastical and unexplained', which it suggested could include Reform's uncosted fiscal plans and lavish promises to the electorate. Labour Party HQ welcomed Matthews as the 'ghost of Tory past'. READ MORE The defector himself was characteristically unbowed by the facetious attention. At the press event alongside Farage on Monday, he promised to venture deep into the 'dark heart of wokeness' to save Britain. Fun and frivolity aside, his switch to the Tories may be more significant than it first appears. Matthews's critics have dismissed him as a crank, the sort of Tory member that David Cameron might have decried as a 'swivel-eyed loon'. But his defection also shows that the Conservative Party is losing its grip on its grassroots former stalwarts. If the local party organisations run by such leading local members fall apart, the entire Tory party could soon implode. Matthews was a councillor in the 1990s before running for the European Parliament. He narrowly missed out in several elections. He finally looked set for a Brussels seat in 2011 when another Tory MEP was set to leave and create a vacancy. There was a furore at the time, however, over an image of a golliwog on the front cover of book published by a company in which Matthews was a shareholder and director. He said he had nothing to do with the book, Britain: A Post Political Correctness Society by Bill Etheridge. Nonetheless, he was not elevated to the MEP seat. He finally made it to Brussels when another Tory stepped aside in 2017 to take up a seat in Westminster, and he served until 2019. Matthews was then elected as the police and crime commissioner for Leicestershire and Rutland in 2021. He is the first prominent Reform UK member to hold such a position. His defection this week to Farage's party dovetailed nicely with another former Tory who made the switch the same day: Vanessa Frake-Harris, a former governor of Wormwood Scrubs prison. There has been a steady stream of former Tories switching ranks to Reform in recent months, as many of them worry their old party may be in a death spiral. Earlier in the summer, former Tory chairman Jake Berry, who served in that role under Liz Truss, defected alongside former Welsh secretary David Jones: the two most senior former Tories to make the jump. More than 15 councillors, almost all of them former Tories, have also defected to Reform in Scotland. There has also been a slew of defections in Wales, where Reform could end up as the largest party after elections next May for the devolved administration in Cardiff. There has also been a steady flow of former Tory MPs who lost their seats in the bloodbath of last July who have made the switch, including former Gravesham MP Adam Holloway; former Newton Abbot MP Anne Marie Morris; and Dudley North's Marco Andrea Longhi. [ Keir Starmer promises 'no more gimmicks' as migrant-returns deal with France kicks in Opens in new window ] This stream of defections suggests there is a significant chunk of the former Tory parliamentary party who have not given up hope of re-entering parliament, but who have calculated that they have no chance for the foreseeable future while running under the Conservative banner. That augurs ill for Tory leader Kemi Badenoch as she tries to rebuild the party. The defections also present a challenge for Farage as well as an opportunity. Just how many disaffected former Tories can he accept into his ranks while claiming that Reform is the insurgent party that will clean up the Conservatives' mess? After all, his many defectors helped to create it. The real opportunity for Farage will arrive if there is ever a significant stream of defections to Reform from the Labour Party. In last July's election, Farage's party came second to many newly-elected Labour MPs in so-called Red Wall seats in the working class areas of England's midlands and north. Some of those MPs will look at the polls, where Reform is riding high, and may calculate that their only chance of avoiding being one-term parliamentarians is to make the switch to Farage's party. If that happens, then a truly historic shift could be under way.


Irish Times
3 days ago
- Irish Times
Ministerial report cards: How did the new Cabinet perform in its first six months?
Six months after the 15 Government Ministers of the 34th Dáil were named, how have they been performing in their roles? Micheál Martin (FF) Taoiseach 6/10 Taoiseach Micheál Martin. Photograph: Nick Bradshaw Micheál Martin , the great survivor of Irish politics, has been Fianna Fáil leader for 14 years, weathering the financial crash that ended other political careers in his party. He is now in his second stint as Taoiseach. He is hard-working and knowledgeable but can be testy and easily baited. There is no question about his absolute authority within his own party. Still, there have been some big cock-ups since January. The saga over the speaking rights for the Michael Lowry group of Independent TDs was damaging, as was the long time it took to set up Oireachtas committees. READ MORE On a macro level, Martin and his fellow party leader in Government, Fine Gael's Simon Harris, have presided over record spending in recent years. There is a strong correction this year, with much of the money from the Apple tax windfall, plus corporation tax, being put into the two new fiscal buffers. Critics say it may be too late. The next year should really test the Government and its political wherewithal. Like many other leaders who have entered the White House this year, Martin looked at times like a deer in the headlights when he was in the Oval Office with Donald Trump on the St Patrick's trip in March. However, he and Harris have been far braver than most other EU states (with the exception of Spain) on the issue of Gaza. Simon Harris (FG) Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Trade and Defence 5/10 Tánaiste Simon Harris. Photograph: Dara Mac Dónaill Simon Harris had a tough general election last November and the party's poll numbers under the Wicklow TD have struggled around 16 and 17 per cent, below the party's 21 per cent election result and well below the high of 27 per cent last September, when Harris was still enjoying the boost from his March 2024 election to leader. He is still highly visible when it comes to public and media exposure but his impact seems lower. Critics might say he should pursue less visibility and more substance. But keeping a low profile might not be in his nature given his hunger to dominate the airwaves and headlines. As Minister for Trade, Harris has been active. He and Martin put huge emphasis on securing a 10 per cent tariff rate with the US, making the EU's concession to the US on a15 per cent tariff harder to sell when it happened. Like Martin, he has been unstinting in his criticism of Israel over the war on Gaza. His next immediate task will be to nuance the framing of the Occupied Territories Bill and decide what to do with services, now that an Oireachtas committee has recommended their inclusion in the legislation prohibiting trade with Israeli companies operating in the illegally occupied Palestinian territories. James Browne (FF) Minister for Housing 3/10 Minister for Housing, Local Government and Heritage James Browne. Photograph: Stephen Collins/Collins Photos James Browne has had a dismal first six months. Yet, he could end up among the best performing at the end. The Fianna Fáil politician had a reputation as a 'doer'. As a junior minister, he steered through gambling legislation while withstanding intensive lobbying. Housing is a different proposition. It's where ministerial careers go to die. Browne has had setbacks: jumping the gun with his idea to appoint Nama chief executive Brendan McDonagh as the housing 'tsar'; the reform of rent pressure zones not fully thought through ; and communication shortfalls. He's not the first new Minister to have a poor start – Heather Humphreys and Norma Foley come to mind. The reason: he doesn't shy from taking decisions. Recent ones include ditching a large public-private partnership (PPP) project , and league tables for local authorities' performance in delivering social housing . He has yet to prove he has clear focus and an understanding of the broader picture. Being bold brings risk. There's no in-between for Browne – it's either big success or abject failure. Dara Calleary (FF) Minister for Social Protection and Rural Affairs 5/10 Dara Calleary, Minister for Social Protection and Minister for Rural and Community Development and the Gaeltacht. Photograph: Damien Eagers The Fianna Fáil man is a competent politician who will have no difficulty running a super-efficient department with a huge budget such as Social Protection's. And for a rural politician, the other side of his ministerial brief – Community, Rural Affairs and the Gaeltacht – has few downsides. So far, he has been steady but unspectacular. He's talked about tackling welfare fraud but then so did his predecessors and he will be the Minister who will make pension auto-enrolment a reality after months of delays. There is full employment now. If there are rockier economic times ahead, he could bear some of the brunt of it. Already, the era of once-off payments is over, despite households in arrears with energy bills. There are many other areas of welfare that could be reformed. Does he have the appetite to fix those? Martin Heydon (FG) Minister for Agriculture, Food, Fishing and the Marine 6/10 Martin Heydon, Minister for Agriculture, Food, Fishing and the Marine. Photograph: John Ohle for Irish Times The Fine Gael politician comes from a farming background, and having served his apprenticeship as a junior minister in the department, he is in the mould of a minister for agriculture. Smart and independent thinking, he has been assured in the role. Agriculture is settled at the moment but there are clouds ahead. The nitrates directive exemption is on the line and Heydon will have to convince Brussels that Ireland's record on water quality is improving. The tariffs will also have a big impact on dairy exports to the US – mainly Kerrygold's – and to the drinks/whiskey industry. Heydon has been busy with trade missions to Korea and other countries to try to open up new markets. There is also a new round of Common Agricultural Policy negotiations about to commence. Norma Foley (FF) Minister for Children, Disability and Equality 5/10 Norma Foley, Minister for Children, Disability and Equality. Photograph: Colin Keegan, Collins Dublin. The Kerry TD has been largely low-key during her first six months in her new department. Bringing down childcare costs and increasing provision was a huge issue in the election. There will be pressure on her to deliver. Already she is tempering expectations on the time span to reduce the overall fee to €200 per month. She handled the fallout over the Grace report well . But she faces ongoing issues with budget overruns at Tusla, the Child and Family Agency, its performance, the number of children in unregulated emergency accommodation and the agency's failure to comply with court orders . Helen McEntee (FG) Minister for Education and Youth 6/10 Helen McEntee, Minister for Education. Photograph: Cate McCurry/PA Wire The Fine Gael Minister had a mixed legacy at the Department of Justice but she is policy-centred and a reformer by instinct. Education should suit her as the brief is wide; there are many issues with much scope to push through change. She has already engaged with the reformed curriculum for the Leaving Certificate, including the impact of artificial intelligence (AI); issued warnings to schools that don't provide special education places; and has undertaken to address high absenteeism in schools in disadvantaged areas, amid a wider review of the DEIS programme. She is promising to make a new national convention – the first in more than 30 years – the 'largest national conversation on education in the history of the State' in the coming academic year. She has promised to use 'all levers' to ensure religious orders pay full redress once the new Commission of Inquiry into historical sex Abuse in certain schools has reported. It's a promise that will be impossible to honour. James Lawless (FF) Minister for Further and Higher Education, Research, Innovation and Science 4/10 James Lawless, Minister for Further and Higher Education, Research, Innovation and Science Lawless landed himself in hot water in June for stating Government policy that college fees would revert from €2,000 to €3,000 as there will be no cost-of-living package in the budget. He got clobbered, including from Fine Gael Ministers. It was a display of slight naivety. The low mark reflects that uneasy start. Fees and budgets for third-level institutions will loom large during his term. The big theme for him is improving research performance. That resonates with the wider imperatives for Ireland in addressing the threats posed by Donald Trump administration's protectionist policies. If he succeeds, he will leave a strong legacy. Patrick O'Donovan (FG) Minister for Culture, Communications and Sport. 6/10 Patrick O'Donovan, Minister for Culture, Communications and Sport. Photograph: Niall Carson/PA Wire Patrick O'Donovan can be abrasive in his manner and that doesn't always endear him to some but he is effective. His predecessor, Catherine Martin, was strong on arts and culture but not on communications and sport. With O'Donovan it's the other way around. People think he has no affinity with culture, but he has four years to prove them wrong. Already, there have been controversies. He refused to sanction a new contract for Arts Council director Maureen Kennelly because of the council's botched €7 million IT system. That seemed to blame the council when the reporting failures within the department were equally shocking. He has adopted a tough stance on RTÉ governance too. He become caught up last month in a very public row with An Post chief executive David McRedmond over media leaks out of Cabinet about the company's finances. (O'Donovan denied he was the leaker.) Peter Burke (FG) Minister for Enterprise, Tourism and Employment 8/10 Peter Burke, Minister for Enterprise, Tourism and Employment. Photograph: Stephen Collins/Collins Photos Although only appointed a senior Minister in 2024, Burke was one of the continuity ministers in the new Cabinet. He is viewed as assured and strategic. Low-key in manner, he was canny enough to deal with someunpopular matters early in the life of this Government, such as axing the policy to extend sick leave. Fine Gael to his core, Burke has put a big focus on competitiveness. The lowering of VAT for food and drink hospitality was scored as a win for Burke. He came up quickly with a diversification plan to encourage exporters to seek new markets for Irish goods following Trump's global tariff-fest on 'Liberation Day' on April 1st. Jennifer Carroll MacNeill (FG) Minister for Health 7/10 Jennifer Carroll MacNeill, Minister for Health. Photograph: Sam Boal/Collins Photos Carroll MacNeill is seen as confident, composed, articulate and ambitious, but this difficult portfolio will be a test of her clear leadership aspirations. She had some early wins on waiting lists and her drive to get seven-day rosters implemented in hospitals. But challenges are mounting up. There's been a 25 per cent increase in staff levels in the health service in recent years. The health budgets seem to need an extra €2 billion every single year, but the increases are not matched by productivity improvements. She will need to get bang for bucks from the HSE and that will include making Saturday a normal working day. She will also have to decide whether numerous failures in surgeries on children will allow Children's Health Ireland to continue as an independent entity. Or can CHI be trusted to run the national children's hospital when it finally opens after budget overruns and delays? And what about the practice of 'insourcing' (engaging external companies using HSE resources after working hours) to tackle waiting lists? This is yet another hugely expensive solution that has been shown to raise governance issues. [ Inside the insourcing industry: The multimillion euro business within our public hospitals Opens in new window ] Paschal Donohoe (FG) Minister for Finance 6/10 Paschal Donohoe, Minister for Finance. Photograph: Dara Mac Dónaill Only Taoiseach Micheál Martin has more experience in government than Paschal Donohoe . The Fine Gael man is well-connected too; he has just been re-elected to his third term as president of the Eurogroup of euro zone finance ministers. Donohoe's record has to be viewed in tandem with that of Jack Chambers, his fellow economic minister at the Cabinet table. They have the same close congruence that Donohoe had with Michael McGrath when he was there. Since January, they have stated there will be no cost-of-living package this year because of Trump-induced uncertainty. The huge once-off payments of recent years were funded by bonanza returns of corporation tax. With that no longer available, the next two years will be a huge test for Donohoe. Jack Chambers (FF) Minister for Public Expenditure and Reform 6/10 Jack Chambers, Minister for Public Expenditure and Reform. Photograph: Dara Mac Dónaill Fianna Fáil's deputy leader , Chambers took the dramatic elevation to the key Finance portfolio last year in his stride. He delivered an assured first budget, which was made easier by a €2.2 billion cost-of-living package that won't be repeated this year. Now in Public Expenditure, his big ticket item is the €200 billion National Development Plan which has focused on housing (€28 billion); water services (€7.7 billion); energy (€3.5 billion); transport including the Metro (€22.3 billion); and health (€9 billion). Chambers may appear mild-mannered , but colleagues say he has been unyielding on reining in the departmental budget. Armed with a report highlighting the shocking delays in delivering big capital projects, he will need to greatly reduce those delays if the NDP is to pass muster. Jim O'Callaghan Minister for Justice, Home Affairs and Migration 8/10 Jim O'Callaghan, Minister for Justice. Photograph: Collins Courts O'Callaghan is a first-time Minister but his political instincts and legal career have given him a good understanding of his portfolio. He has adopted a tough stance on two key areas: immigration and law and order On international protection, he has repeated the message that those who are not entitled to asylum are not entitled to stay. Chartered deportation flights are back; there is strong support for the EU Migration and Asylum pact; and the Cabinet has approved the purchase of Citywest Hotel as a part of a plan to provide State-owned accommodation to asylum seekers. His cause has been helped by a 43 per cent drop in the number of people seeking protection this year . Elsewhere, he has pressed his credentials as a law-and-order Minister. His decision to give a State apology to the family of Shane O'Farrell – the Longford cyclist killed by a car driven by a man on bail – showed he can manage difficult and sensitive issues and won him respect. [ How Shane O'Farrell's family spent 14 years searching for the truth after fatal hit-and-run Opens in new window ] Darragh O'Brien (FF) Minister for Transport, Climate, Energy and Environment. 5/10 Darragh O'Brien, Minister for Transport. Photograph: Alan Betson O'Brien 's worst moment as a member of this Government was a painful reminder from his former department. During the election campaign, he and other ministers insisted housing completions in 2024 would be close to 40,000. In reality, they were closer to 30,000. The Fianna Fáil TD has a sprawling portfolio extending across two departments. It's no surprise that his priorities are different from those of his predecessor, former Green Party leader Eamon Ryan. So, already there is more leaning into roads, aviation (specifically, lifting the passenger cap in Dublin Airport) and the expansion of data centres. There is still emphasis on public transport, not least the long-promised Metro, Dart, Luas and Bus Connects, the first route of which was approved this week. His record will rest on delivery and that's going to take time. He is a fast talker – and sometimes accused of flannelling – but is an underrated Minister.


Irish Times
4 days ago
- Irish Times
Discriminations by AC Grayling: A simple take on the culture wars
Discriminations: Making Peace in the Culture Wars Author : AC Grayling ISBN-13 : 978-0861549962 Publisher : Oneworld Guideline Price : £12.99 In Discriminations, AC Grayling essentially suggests that respect for human rights and commitment to reasoned debate are the antidotes to the poisonous state of politics. A simple solution. The title, Discriminations, plays with two meanings. Firstly, there is discrimination in the sense of sexism, racism and other prejudices which Grayling positions himself as firmly against, taking the side of social justice and defending those pilloried as 'woke'. Secondly, there is discrimination in the sense of making subtle distinctions – between rights and interests, between free-speech and hate-speech, for instance. Grayling offers a historical perspective on cancel culture, stretching the term to include collective cancelling, for example the crusade against Albigensian heretics in 13th century France, or individual cancelling, such as the pillory of Oscar Wilde. He argues that tactics such as 'no-platforming' or 'cancelling' are rarely justified, and that abandoning the principle of free speech to the right is a mistake by the left, feminists or the 'woke'. READ MORE Aside from how far-fetched these historical comparisons appear, the main thrust of the book is that the current poisonous state of the culture wars is created by all participants, left, right or otherwise. Grayling suggests that the left must examine its tactics and respect free speech, and that the right must respect human rights as distinct from interests – the maintenance of advantages. Along the way, he drifts into 'both-sides' style equations of the hard left and hard right. The extremes are the problem; those in the centre hold the answers. Supposedly rising above the 'culture war', Grayling proposes liberal solutions: rights, debate, freedom. These are hard to disagree with but obviously these are widespread, even dominant ideas of the last century. Grayling admonishes everyone to return to these principles, which should deliver a harmonious political debate – full of difference and disagreement but civil. Today, when authoritarian populists and neoliberals are the champions of free speech, this is insufficient. With a schoolmasterly tone – though often implausible, ' ... reflection will suggest, fundamentally, morality is a matter of good manners ...' – Grayling's book is almost endearingly nostalgic. The simple solution of reasonable arguments countering problematic views is alluring, but hardly tenable now. Effectively, the culture wars means that what counts as problematic or reasonable is now essentially contested. Even where his diagnosis is apt, his solutions seem implausible.