Thai authorities move to clip wings of Cambodia's casino kingpin
According to the Cyber Crime Investigation Bureau (CCIB), from Jan 1 to July 9, 2025, Thailand recorded 175,477 online crime cases, averaging 919 cases per day.
Of these, 31,107 were reported online and 15,407 were filed directly with authorities. The total financial damage is estimated at 14.87 billion baht, with only 2% (approximately 295.8 million baht) successfully frozen in time.
The most common scams were:
Online purchase fraud (56%)
Money transfer scams (26%)
Loan fraud (7%)
Other types of deception
Authorities noted that more than 80% of Thai victims were lured by networks based in Poipet, Cambodia, not from minority-controlled areas of Myanmar as previously suspected.
In response, the CCIB launched a nationwide crackdown, dubbed 'Operation Mule Account Takedown: Hunt for Cambodian Financiers,' raiding 19 locations across Bangkok, Samut Prakan, and Chonburi in a coordinated effort to dismantle mule account operations and trace funding sources.
Thai authorities raided a residence in a housing estate in Bang Phli district, Samut Prakan, where an arrest warrant had been issued for Kok An, the Cambodian casino mogul and owner of the Crown Casino Resort in Poipet.
Kok An, who controls multiple high-rise casino towers—including a 25-storey and an 18-storey building in Poipet—has been accused of running a massive call centre scam operation targeting Thai citizens. He is now wanted for involvement in a transnational criminal organisation and money laundering.
Thai police coordinated with the Criminal Court to secure the search warrant and are now working with Interpol to issue a red notice for Kok An and his network.
Authorities are also preparing for a joint meeting with the Anti-Money Laundering Office (AMLO) to seek the Attorney-General's approval for international prosecution.
Kok An is widely known not only as a powerful figure in Cambodia's gambling sector but also for his close ties to Hun Sen, President of the Cambodian Senate.
He is also reportedly connected to Ly Yong Phat. Both men are considered major revenue sources for the Cambodian regime.
The raid in Bang Phli—believed to be one of Kok An's private residences—has raised suspicions about Ly Yong Phat's own involvement. Authorities are now monitoring his Bangkok property for possible links to the scam network.
Originally from Hainan, China, Kok An was raised in Phnom Penh. He first made his fortune selling cigarettes, capitalising on the high demand among Cambodians. His success enabled him to expand into the lucrative casino business, establishing Crown Casino in Poipet — one of the closest gambling hubs to Thailand. The resort's strategic location near the Thai border made it especially popular among Thai patrons, many travelling directly from Bangkok.
A significant portion of revenue from Kok An's operations is believed to have supported the Cambodian government until now.
Ly Yong Phat is a Chinese-Cambodian tycoon with humble beginnings. He once earned a living ferrying boats to buy cigarettes and worked under Kok An before climbing the ranks. He later became a petrol station employee, then a business owner, eventually marrying Kok An's cousin, solidifying his connection to one of Cambodia's most powerful casino families.
Ly Yong Phat's economic stronghold is Koh Kong, a province adjacent to Thailand's Trat border via the Hat Lek checkpoint. Koh Kong is home to his sprawling casino, hotel, and resort empire.
Although both Kok An and Ly Yong Phat amassed vast fortunes from gambling ventures, their operations have also incurred heavy losses. Still, gambling is only part of their financial empire—they hold monopolies in various sectors across Cambodia.
Importantly, their influence stretches beyond Cambodia's elite. Both Kok An and Ly Yong Phat are known to maintain connections with prominent Thai figures, including politicians (past and present), business leaders, government officials, and police officers.
Currently, both men's operations are facing sharp declines due to tighter Thai border control measures. Thailand's restricted border opening hours, enhanced screening protocols, and limits on cross-border tourism have significantly reduced foot traffic to Cambodian casinos.
At the Or Samet checkpoint in Oddar Meanchey, opposite Thailand's Chong Chom checkpoint in Surin province, one of Ly Yong Phat's other casino sites now sees barely any Thai visitors. The once-bustling area is now quiet.
Behind the checkpoint, large-scale construction is nearly complete—multiple buildings designed for accommodation and office use now stand at over 90% completion. The entire compound is surrounded by high metal fences and barbed wire, underlining the high-security nature of the site.
The once-close relationship between former Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and Hun Sen appears to have collapsed following the leaked audio clip of a conversation involving current Thai Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra.
The call, which centred on reopening border checkpoints amid a tense Thai-Cambodian standoff, has exposed deeper geopolitical rifts—and potentially criminal entanglements—on both sides of the border.
'I used to consider Hun Sen a brother, but after what he did to my daughter, I was in shock,' Thaksin told an audience during a speech at the '55 Years of Nation: Breaking Thailand's Deadlock' forum on the evening of July 9, 2025.
According to Thaksin, Paetongtarn had gone to meet Khliang Huot at the Rosewood Hotel, where a call with Hun Sen was arranged. Present at the meeting were Deputy PM and Defence Minister Phumtham Wechayachai, Foreign Minister Maris Sangiamphongsa, and Prime Minister's Secretary-General Dr Prommin Lertsuridej.
'She waited almost three hours. They claimed he was asleep. Eventually, she and the team left. But not long after, Hun Sen called her directly on her private line. I suspect he wasn't asleep at all—but had prepared to record the conversation, I believe he knew we had the defence and foreign ministers present, which makes it all the more frustrating that he could go through with something like this.' Thaksin said, questioning Hun Sen's motive.
Thaksin also reignited scrutiny of Cambodian casinos allegedly being used as bases for Thai-targeted call centre scams. 'Do you remember? I said that the 25-storey tower was a call centre hub. Our police investigated and found evidence. Now it's clear that Cambodia's economy has profited by deceiving Thais,' he said.
He also linked the network to Huione, a company blacklisted in the US for money laundering. According to Thaksin, a major shareholder is a Chinese national believed to be laundering money globally, with Hun Sen's nephew, Hun To, listed among the shareholders.
Just days before, on July 4, Thailand's National Security Council (NSC) held an urgent meeting chaired by acting PM and Interior Minister Phumtham, alongside senior defence and intelligence officials.
The talks focused on coordinating the reopening of all border checkpoints simultaneously and withdrawing heavy weaponry from border areas.
Although Thailand had finalised its proposals and was ready to sign, Cambodia reportedly insisted that Thailand open its side five hours ahead of Cambodia—a condition attributed to orders from Hun Sen and Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Manet. Only then, Cambodia said, would it match the withdrawal of troops and weapons.
The growing dispute has placed the Shinawatra-Hun family relationship under the spotlight, revealing how a previously personal alliance is now at the centre of national sovereignty, political narrative, and criminal investigations.
Thai authorities have since launched a series of aggressive operations targeting online fraud, transnational crime, money laundering, and call centre gangs. These networks have cost Thai citizens billions of baht, and the trail is now visibly linked to Cambodian power figures.
The sudden intensification of law enforcement raises a provocative question:
Would these crackdowns on high-level crime have been possible if Thaksin and Hun Sen's alliance had remained intact?
Ultimately, it has reignited a familiar phrase in Thai political circles:
'There is nothing Thai police don't know—only what they choose to act on.'
While cross-border crime didn't start in 2025, Thais have endured its consequences for years. Now, with alliances broken and truths exposed, the question remains—will justice finally follow? - The Nation/ANN
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