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Chinese support to Pakistan during Op Sindoor

Chinese support to Pakistan during Op Sindoor

Time of India04-06-2025
S D Pradhan has served as chairman of India's Joint Intelligence Committee. He has also been the country's deputy national security adviser. He was chairman of the Task Force on Intelligence Mechanism (2008-2010), which was constituted to review the functioning of the intelligence agencies. He has taught at the departments of defence studies and history at the Punjabi University, Patiala. He was also a visiting professor at the University of Illinois, US, in the department of arms control and disarmament studies. The ministry of defence had utilized his services for the preparation of official accounts of the 1971 war and the counterinsurgency operations in the northeast. In the JIC/National Security Council secretariat, he was closely involved with the preparation of the reports of the Kargil Review Committee and the Group of Ministers on national security as also with the implementation of their recommendations. His publications include two books and several articles. LESS ... MORE
With more information now available, it can be concluded that China provided critical military and strategic support to Pakistan during the four-day India-Pakistan conflict from May 7 to May 10, 2025 (Operation Sindoor). This assistance encompassed advanced weaponry, intelligence sharing, and influence operations for narrative building, favouring Pakistan. John Spencer has rightly stated that Pakistan fought as a proxy force, using Chinese weapons and systems, which failed, exposing the strategic hollowness of Islamabad.
There are several credible inputs on the Chinese support to Pakistan. First, a Pakistani ex-army officer, Adil Raja, revealed that Munir ordered the Pahalgam attack after receiving the nod from China.
Second, China's arms/systems were used in the operations. China is the largest source of Pakistani weapons (about 81%). The PL-15E missile landed in a village in Hoshiarpur without hitting its target, reflecting that they did not perform well. JF-17 fired Chinese CM-401 hypersonic missiles, which were used to strike Indian logistical depots and mechanised brigades near Pathankot and Gurdaspur. These were also neutralised by the Indian air defence system. Pakistan employed Chinese-made CH-4 drones for reconnaissance and precision strikes. Despite their capabilities, these drones were largely neutralised by India's advanced air defence systems, including the S-400.
Third, China placed five satellites for exclusive use in observing Indian military assets. Reports suggest that China provided real-time battlefield surveillance support and advice to Pakistan and coordinates ground and air-level military operations. An Indian research group found out that China assisted Pakistan in optimising its defence systems to better detect the Indian Army's troop movements and deployments during the four-day conflict. It included reorganising Pakistan's radars and air defence systems and adjusting satellite coverage over India.
Fourth, the detection of a banned Huawei satellite phone, with messaging services connected to China's Beidou satellite navigation system in Pahalgam after the terror attacks, revealed a close nexus between the Pak Army/terrorists and the Chinese armed forces. The above inputs indicated that Beijing's involvement was far more extensive than originally assessed.
Fifth, China actively engaged in information warfare to support Pakistan's narrative. Chinese state media outlets echoed Pakistan's denials of involvement in the Pahalgam attack and suggested alternative narratives, including labelling the attack as a potential 'false flag' operation by India. Chinese-controlled social media platforms disseminated unverified claims of Pakistani military successes, such as the downing of Indian Rafale jets, aiming to undermine India's military reputation and promote Chinese weaponry. Chinese bloggers and wumao soldiers (5 cents) provided massive support to Pakistan in spreading disinformation and psychological warfare. They were receiving inputs directly from Pakistan's Inter-Services Public Relations. They exaggerated Indian losses, thereby helping to bolster the Pakistani narrative. They portrayed India as an aggressor.
Sixth, China provided comprehensive diplomatic support to Pakistan at the UN Security Council, coordinating with Turkey and Bangladesh. At the UN Security Council committee 1267 on counter-terrorism, China blocked any mention of The Resistance Force (TRF), an offshoot of the Lashkar-e-Tayiba, that initially took responsibility for the Pahalgam terror attacks.
In sum, despite China's extensive support, Pakistan's military efforts during Operation Sindoor were largely unsuccessful. Indian forces effectively countered Pakistani offensives, dominating the escalation ladder, and India's indigenous defence technologies outperformed Chinese-supplied systems. India achieved its stated objective of destroying terrorist camps at nine places. Now, some details are available on the losses of aircraft by Pakistan during the operations. In the operation, the IAF destroyed at least six Pakistani fighter jets, two high-value surveillance aircraft, and one C-130 military transport aircraft. More than ten armed drones (UCAVs), several cruise missiles, and radar sites were also taken out during India's operation. Chinese HQ 9 and HQ 16 systems were destroyed by India's missiles.
Interestingly, while India claimed to have hit 11 places in Pakistan, the latter now says India attacked at 19 places. Perhaps to project itself as a victim of India's action aimed at the civilian population. The Chinese platforms and defence systems were for the first time put to a real combat test. Their underperformance must be unsettling to China. Pakistan's losses of China's aircraft and air defence systems raise questions about the reliability of its defence equipment in real-world combat scenarios. This will have an impact on the Chinese export of weapons and systems.
China is using Pakistan as a tool for its hegemonic and expansionist designs. Pakistan occupies the central position in the Chinese geopolitical calculus for two reasons. First, Pakistan's antipathy towards India allows China to use it as its proxy to keep pressure on India, which it considers an obstacle to achieving its regional ambitions. Second, Pakistan constitutes an important country in the Chinese string of pearls around India. Pakistan's geographical position allows it to have access to the Indian Ocean and thereby overcome its Malacca choke point problem. Besides, China may have viewed India's economic growth as a threat to its dwindling economy. The plan of some manufacturing units moving from China to India must have been unnerving. Hence, China may have asked Pakistan to escalate terror attacks in India to project that this country is not safe for investments.
Given the above, China is likely to continue to provide support to Pakistan, which will encourage Pakistan to continue with its policy of bleeding India through a thousand cuts. India has done well by announcing its policy that it will react strongly in case of any terrorist attack, and would not differentiate between the state sponsors and terrorists and would not accept the nuclear bluff. India must maintain its firm retaliatory policy and continue to enhance global narrative building efforts.
India needs to pay urgent attention to the dimension of cognitive warfare. This is a process to weaponise public opinion of targets and drive them to act in the initiator's interest. The victims of this process start supporting the adversary's narrative after their minds are manipulated. This can undermine national resilience. A comprehensive study should be made to develop a robust strategy to counter this menace.
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Views expressed above are the author's own.
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